From: #‎Saphaloo_Kadiir‬ | Abdulbasit

(Qooduun (Share) godhuun oromoo mara biraan gahaa)

Kabajamtoota hordoftoota amantaa muslimaa maraaf baga jala bultii guyyaa iidaa Al-fixrii geessan isiniin jechaa itti aansuun dhaamsaafi yaadachiisa muraasa armaan gadii kana isiniif qooduun barbaada.

1. Yeroo ayyaanni iidaa dhihaatu namni marti uffata adda addaa ni bitata, ni uffata. Iida baranaa wanti adda godhu warraaqsa ilmaan Oromoo gaggeessaa jira kana waan taheef uffanni gaafa iidaatiif bitannuufi uffannu haala amantaa muslimaa hin faalleessineen kan eenyummaa keenya mul’isuufi qabsoo Oromootiif humna tahu yoo tahe baayyee gaariidha.
2. Soomanni hawaasa muslimaa biratti ji’a waan keeyrii itti dalagatan tahuun beekkamaadha. San keessaa tokko hawaasni muslimaa ji’a guutuu soomanaa ture xumura guyyoota ramadaanaa irratti sirna hiyyeessa (harka qaleeyyii) ittiin gargaaran ‘fixrii’ ni baasu. Fixrii baranaatiin hawaasni muslimaa hiyyeeyyii warra mootummaan kun ilmaan irraa ajjeesse, baqachiiseefi miseensoota maatii keessaa kanneen nama hojjatee isaan bulchu duraa hidheefi madeesseef osoo kennanii baayyee gaariidha.
3. Akkuma beekkamu mootummaan wayyaanee akkuma ilmaan Oromoo fixaa jiru hawaasa muslimaas shira addaa itti xaxee miidhaa jira. Kanaaf hawaasni muslimaa akkuma kanaan dura yeroo garagaraa kadhannaa goodhaa godhaa turtan salaata iidaa irrattiis gamtan akka rabbiin mootummaa kana nurraa kaasu ummata oromoof sagalee takkaan du’a’ii godhaaf. Akkasumaas lubbuu haqa isii irratti wareegamteef du’aa’ii godhuu hin dagatinaa.
4. Hawaasni Oromoo kan muslima taatan marti haawasaa dhaamsa mootummaa dabarsuuf garaa bakka bu’oota isaaniin ykn kaabinoota opdon salaata iidaa irratti haasawa ni taasisan. Nutiis sagalee takkaan haasawa isaan taasisan kana mormuun jibbiinsa mootummaan kun muslimaa qabu irraa kan ka’e hawaasni muslimaa’illee daran mootummaa wayyaanee kana jibbuu isaa mirkaneessaaf. Carraa isaan nurratti lallabaniis jalaa fashaleessaa.
5. Yeroo ammaa mootummaan wayyaanee badii isaa irraa kan ka’e ummanni muslimaa shoorarkaa kaasuu hin oolan shakkii jedhu keessa galee jira. Kanuma irraa ka’uun dabbaloota isaa hordoftootuma amantaa muslimaa keessaa gara hawaasaa erguun akka hawaasa amansiisan godhuuf, yookaa immoo akkuma masgiidatti salaatan amansiisuuf tattaafachaa jira. Kanaaf yaada dhiphaa mootummaa kanaa diduun guyyaa iidaa bakka jam’aan baayyeen arkamu gara dirree iidaatti yeroon argamuun toltuu akka amantaa fi sabaattiis waliin qabnu waliin qooddachaa sodaa fi gowoomfamuu bira darbuu ummata oromoo itti haa himnu.
6. Dhaadannoolee yeroo garagaraa hiriira hawaasa amantaa muslimaa irrattiifi warraaqsa qabsoo Oromoo irrattiis dhaadatamaa turan bifa barruutiin guddifnee xalayaa bal’oo irratti barreessuun wayta gara dirree salaata iidaa yaanuufi deebinu ol qabaa akkasumaas sagalee dhageessisaa mormii mootummaa kanaaf qabnu ibsaa, shira inni ummata Oromoofi hawaasa muslimaa irratti raawwachaa jiruus balaallreffadha.
7. Mootummaan wayyaanee tooftaa adda addaatti fayyadamuun abbootii amantaa beekkamoo kessaafuu Imaamoota masgiidaa hundaa walitti qabuun guyyaa iidaa irratti warri oromoo musliima tahaniif dursanii akka humaa hin dubbanne masgida irratti nuuf gorsaa jechuun, gaafa guyyaa iidaatiis osoo namni baayyee walitti hin dhufne dafani akka salaata salachisuu qaban fi yoo dandahl’ame immoo hawaasni badiyyaas gara magaalaa osoo hin deemne, hawaasni araddoota ollaas akka walitti hin dhufneef adda addaan akka bakkuma ganda isaanii keessatti salaatan ajaja dabarsaa jiran. Imaamootiin teenya immoo hundi ajaja isaani akka hin fudhanne ni beekna. Haatahuu garuu imaamoonni duraaniis wayyaaneen filamanii ajaja isaanii raawwachuuf qophaa’an waan jiraniif mormuu fi of eeggannoo godhuu akka hin daganne.

Kabajamtoota hawaasa muslimaa kan Oromoo taatan marti yaadachiisaan armaan olitti tuqe dabalatee tooftaawwan jibbaafi mormii mootummaa kanaaf qabnu ittii mul’isuu dandeenyu kan biraatti fayyadamuun jibba mootummaa kanaaf qabnu mara mul’isuufi raawwachuun kufaatii mootummaa kanaa haa saffifnuu jechaa dhaamsa koo isin yaadachiisuuf jedhe asumattiin goolaba. Ammaas irra deebi’uun baga ayyaana kabajamaa Id-alfixriin isin gahe jechaa iidni kan gammachuu, badhaadhinaafi kan injifannoo dhugaa isiniif haa tahu.

“Hawaasni Oromoo amantaa kamuu hordofu deeggarsa warraaqsa qabsoo sabaaf irkoo dha!”

Fatia set her heart on escaping home to work in the Gulf. At 17, she found her dream job in Oman quickly turning into a nightmare

Fatia entered Oman aged 17, pretending to be 24 (Joe Gill/MEE)

by Joe Gill

Middle East Eye — Her face lights up in a radiant smile as she lowers herself into the waves on the beach at Muscat. At 19, Fatia, a maid from Ethiopia, has never before seen nor felt the ocean.

It’s been a long, tough journey to arrive at this happy day. Fatia came here aged 17 two years ago with hopes of making a living in the Gulf.

“My village has no power or electricity. I wanted to work so I had money to go back to school and finish my studies. I wanted to save my family. I had seen how my sisters had suffered in poverty,” she says.

“I wanted to come to the Middle East but I couldn’t. The Ethiopian agency told me that I had to give a different age on the application form. So I paid to change my birth certificate.

“Near my home in Sirri there is a government office where you can pay some money and they put whatever you want on the form. I told them I wanted a piece of paper saying I’m 24.”

According to the rules in Ethiopia, girls who want to leave and work as maids in the Gulf must be at least 24. But many who go are much younger, and pay for false papers.

“All the girls I know want to go to the Middle East, to Dubai, to earn money to buy land and look after their family. I told my father I wanted to go – but he said I was too young. I said to him you can’t provide for me.“

Two older sisters had left to work in Saudi Arabia – one was still there, while another came back after two years because of maltreatment by her sponsors, says Fatia.

Because her father refused her request, she secretly went to Addis Ababa to get a passport, but he found out and took it.

Despite this, she was determined to follow in their footsteps.

“I cried every day. Then I secretly got another passport. I had a brother. He wanted to go Sirri to college. My father said no. My brother was very unhappy. Then he killed himself.

“When my father found out I had another passport he was worried he would lose me too unless he let me go. He didn’t want me to go but he didn’t have a choice because he saw me crying every day.”

She wanted to go to Saudi Arabia, where the pay is better, but she found out that the minimum age was 25.

“I went to an agency – they said I was too young. I had to pay to go to Oman.”

The fee to enrol with the agency was 5000 Ethiopian Birr, or about $235. “My father sold an ox and some sheep to pay it,” she said.

However, she also had to pay for X-ray, urine, blood test and fingerprints.

For girls whose papers are correct, Ethiopia’s labour ministry offers a three-hour course to prepare and inform women about their roles and the countries they are moving to. But Fatia did not go as she feared they would catch her and prevent her leaving.

A stranger in a strange country

It was when she arrived in Oman that things began to turn for the worse.

“Only when I arrived in Muscat I saw in the contract it said 50 Omani rials a month ($130). I saw the paperwork listing different nationalities of maid – Indonesians got 80 rials, Philippines 100 rials and Ethiopian 50 rials.”

The Omani agency met her at the airport along with other Ethiopian girls. They took her to an office in al-Khoud, north of Muscat, where the sponsor came to collect her.

After five days in Muscat taking medical tests and waiting for her visa, her first employer took her to live with his father on a farm outside Muscat.

“There were 14 people living in the house. The son returned to Muscat. I arrived at 9pm – they just said put your suitcase down and start cleaning. I went to bed at 11pm. At 5am I was up working again.”

On her first day, Fatia says the sponsor’s sister, a nurse, took a blood sample from her arm. “She took a lot of blood”, and left a painful wound, Fatia recalls. “They didn’t care that I was hurt, they just said start work. My arm hurt for three days.”

There was a lot of work, and not much food, and she began to lose weight, dropping down to seven stone.

At the end of the first month they gave her 50 rial. At the end of the second month they did not pay her.

The withheld pay, lack of food and long working hours were only the start of it.

Hard work and harassment

Soon enough, the sponsor’s younger brother began to harass her.

“He followed me to the bathroom every day and watched me in the shower. He woke me at 4am and started asking me questions, but I didn’t understand what he was saying.”

Fatia says he did not touch or attack her.

To begin with she could only communicate in broken English and a few words of Arabic.

“I had to do everything for 12 people. Nobody did any work. I was washing and rinsing clothes out in the hot sun.“

All the work was outside and she suffered sunburn that scarred her face.

“I told them I wanted to leave.”

Meanwhile the sponsor had gone to Europe. The father told her she would have to wait six months.

“The next day I didn’t work. I put my clothes on, took my suitcase and I said take me back to the agency now.

“The father, Mohammed, said you are not leaving, we are not taking you to the office – if you want to go back to the agency, you have to pay 700 rial that we paid to them.

“I told him I didn’t get any money – I am not working. I want to leave.

“Then they took my suitcase. I ran away, even though they grabbed me and pulled at my clothes. In the struggle I lost one of my shoes. But I didn’t care – I just ran.

“The family went to a neighbour who had an Ethiopian maid and she spoke to me in the street. She said don’t run away, you will die – it’s just desert here.”

The other maid’s boss offered to take her in for the night.

Then her sponsor’s sister came to the neighbour’s house and told her she had to come back.

“I said I’d rather kill myself than go back. Then the girl choked me – the family wanted to beat me up so I fought her and her brother and they left.”

‘That Omani guy saved me’

The other family grew scared and told her she had to leave. “Then a neighbour came and asked why I was crying. I said I didn’t want to go back to the house. He said ‘That’s democracy – if you don’t want to go back, don’t go. I will take care of it.’”

He went to the first house and told them they couldn’t take her back. “’You can’t force her to work for you,” he said. They said no, so he demanded the phone number of the sponsor. He rang him and talked to him, explains Fatia.

After four days at the neighbour’s house, the sponsor called the father and said he had better take Fatia to the agency.

“That Omani guy saved me. If it wasn’t for him, I would never have escaped,” Fatia says.

“He and the son told the father to take me back – so he did.

“I stayed at the agency for two weeks. The sponsor came back from Europe to cancel the contract. He asked me why I didn’t want to stay and I told him, so he cancelled it.

“Then I went to another Omani family with five kids living in the countryside. Now I asked for a salary of 60 rial. The sponsor said no problem. But his wife was not good. She didn’t have any food in the house  – she would go to her mum’s house next door to eat. She told me I had to get up at 4am and work till 10pm.

“At 9pm they would start to prepare dinner. They would eat at 10pm so I didn’t finish work till midnight. She told me to wash clothes by hand even though they had a machine.

“There were seven bedrooms in the house that I had to clean. I had to look after the babies too. My boss told me not to talk to anyone and refused to let me make any phone calls.

“I told the wife, I can’t go to bed at midnight and get up at 4am. If you don’t let me get up at 5am then I’m not going to work for you.

“She said no, so I told them I can’t do this. Her husband took me back to the agency.

“The agency were so mad at me, saying I didn’t want to work. I said I wanted to work but the people were not nice. If they are nice, I will work.

“They had to find another sponsor to cover the fees. I wanted to go back to my country. But they found another boss for me.”

Fatia had two other bad experiences with employers and reached a low-point where she desperately wanted to go home.

“This time the agent told me he was sending me back to Ethiopia. He said: ‘You don’t want to work.’

“But he sent me to another Omani. The people were not good at all. The kids were badly behaved, with lots of yelling – they told me not to talk to the kids and not to discipline them. Just clean up after them and shut my mouth.

“I lasted six days then I was back to the agency.

“I was so angry with myself because I wanted to come here to pay for school but my father ended up paying for me. I wanted to go home but I had no money so I couldn’t go home. I felt crazy.”

A better life

Then Fatia met Salma. She and her American husband came into the agency, and the agent saw an opportunity for a good match. He offered them an interview with Fatia. Salma told her she had four girls, and offered to pay 65 rial.

‘Come for a couple of days and see if you like it,’ she said.

“Initially I thought she would be the same as the Egyptian. But she wasn’t. She was nice, so I stayed.”

In January she called her mother in Ethiopia and she sounded strange. “I felt there was something wrong. She was hiding something.

“I called my uncle and he told me my father had died.”

Fatia sheds tears as she recalls this moment. “I feel sad because I didn’t listen to him. He warned me not to come here. Now I will never see him again.

“My family was hiding the truth from me because they did not want me to lose my job and stop sending them money. With my father gone, they needed me to support them.“

Salma told her she should go home to see her family.

When she arrived in her village in Ethiopia, she realised that almost all of her friends had also left to work in the Gulf. Those that were left wanted to go too.

“They said I looked good, I looked happy with new clothes and money.

“I tried to explain to them what it’s like but they didn’t listen. No one listened. They said there are good bosses and bad bosses – it’s a question of luck. They still want to take the chance.

“I would advise any young girl not to go. It’s not good for young girls because they are not ready for the difficulties they will face here. All they hear is good things. They don’t know the truth.

“I never told my family the truth – I didn’t want my father to know. My father told me ‘you are young and you have no idea what it will be like. It won’t be what you think.’

“Now my father has died, my mum sells vegetables and looks after my sister’s kids. I send all my salary to support them and buy seed for the farm. I don’t save anything for myself.

“I want to go to America with Salma. I don’t want to work for another family.”

Salma considers Fatia’s experience.

“Most girls would not be able to fight like her. She’s brave. Her friend was not paid for two years and had to go home with nothing.”

“I give her Friday off. I pay for all her necessities. She can call her friends and family whenever she wants on her phone. I took her to the Wave beach. She had never seen the sea. She was so happy.

“All her friends are stuck at home. They don’t get any free time to themselves.

“She’s a human being, but most people here don’t see it that way.”

*The names of the people in the story have been changed to protect their identities.

Waaqoo Noolee irraa

Bakar Shale

Maqaa Waltajjii “Marii Nageenyaa” jedhuun ergama diinaa fudhatanii Saba keessaa dhalatan afaan faajjesuun dhaabbachuu qaba!

“Sareen badduun Saree gara Ofii nyaatti” akkuma jedhamu, ulee diinaa ta’uun garaa ofiitiif jecha garaa ofii kan waliin dhalatan dhaanuun, qe’ee fi qabeenya maatii ofii diinaa dhaalchisuun, dantaa yerootiif jedhanii maatii beelaa fi dheebuu ofitti cabsuun ofii agabuu bulee nama nyachisee namatti nama qixxeesse beelessuun, Dhibbaa roorroo diinaatiin irratti taasifameen jireenya hin jirre keessatti qotee, bocee, ofii daaree daara nama baase deebisanii daarsuun, isa ofii osoo hin baratin ofii kufee boru kufnaanaa na kaasa jechuun nama barsiisee wallaala godhanii salphisuun, Obbolaa dhiiga ofii kan waliin dhalatanii fi Haadhaaf abbaa ofii kan irraa dhalatan ergama diinaa fiixaan baasuuf jecha adda isaanii keessa qiyyaafatanii rukutanii ajjeesuu fi ajjesisiisuun, safuu ummata keessatti dhalatanii cabsuu bira dabree gochaa yakkaa kan seeraa fi seenaanis wal nama gaafachisiisuudha.

Sirnoota Impaayira Itiyoophiyaa bitaa turan dhufaa lufaa keessatti diinaaf ulee ta’anii shoora ol’aanaa taphachuun, akka gabrummaan ummata Oromoo irratti dheerattu kanneen tasisan harcatotni eenyumaa ofii dagatan hedduudha. Akka kanaaninis Sirna Bulchiinsa Minilikii keessatti Goobanaan gochaa Diinaa fudhatee ummata isaa akka fixaa fi ficisiisaa ture ragaan , galmee seenaa Calanqoo fi Aanoleeti.Haa ta’uu malee Oromoon diinaaf hara galfii tokko malee hojjetaa ture itti galli isaa kufaatii akkamii akka ta’e galmee seenaa qofaafis yoo dhiisuu bannee Goobanaan akkamitti akka kufee fi awwaalli isaa kabajaa osoo hin argatin dagatamuuun isaa wal nama hin gaafachiisu.

Sirnoota Itti aanan keessattis lukkeelee diina ta’uun Ummataa isaanii irratti kanneen gochaa gar-jabinnaa gaggeessa turan xumurri isaanii“Oytee mukaa” ta’aniiti kan sirnichi waliin kufe.

Oromoon dur oggaa mammaaku, “ Abbaan imaan sadi” qaba jedhu. Isaanis: Ilma Abbaa caalu, Ilma Abbaa dhaalu fi Ilma Abaa Dhaanu,

Egaa anis dhaalmaa fi Caalmaa dhabeetii, isa dhaanutti bahe;Safuu!Safuu Waaqaa Lafaa !waaqni gadaa akkanaa irraa nu haa baraaru!

Sirni amma keessa jirru kun sirna abaaramaa fi fokkuu sirna ilmi sabaa diinaan masakamuun ergama diinaa fudhatee abba isaa ittiin dhaanu ta’eti kan nuti argaa jirru.Akka kanaanis haalli itti ilmaan Oromoo diinaaf guggufaa hojjetaa jiran, “Oytee mukaa” ta’uun gubbaan Osoo itti marqatanii jalaan gubachaa jiraachuudha.

Haala kana irraa ka’uun namoota Kufaatii hin tane osoo birdiifatanii mootummaa abbaa irree afaan qawweetiin biyya bulchu faanshatanii xumura irratti kufan keessaa muraasni, amanamoota TPLF kaannen ta’an Pr.Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaa duraanii kan ture Juneeydii Saaddoo fi Qondaalota OPDO ol’aanoo kanneen turan Dhaabaa Dabalee fi Zalaalam Jamaanee akka fakkeenyaatti eeruun dirqii ta’a.

Namoonni kunniin “Galannii Harree Galgalli Uleedha” akkuma jedhan namoota mootummaa gabroomfataa Wayyaaneetiif amanamoo ta’uudhaan garaa ofiitiif jecha garaa isanii kan waliin dhalatan saamaa, saamsisaa, ajjeesaa, ajjeesisiisaa fi biyyaa abbaa isaanii irraa baqachisiisuun, gochaa farruummaa hojjetanii fi diinarraas gumaata dhabuun Firaaf ammoo namoota gumaa ta’uun balaalefatamaa turanii fi jiraniidha.

Akka kanaanis Jineeydii Saaddoo “Jibittii Ootuu” ta’ee, ummata isaa kan dhabaa qabeenyaan isa waliin rakatee barsiise namatti isa qixxesse manaan, gandaan, sabaan fi Amaniitin waliin dhahuun jireenya ummta keessa dhalatee booshessaa kan ture yoo ta’u, dinni ammoo kan saba ofiitiif hin taane nuufis hin taatu jechuun takkitimaan Gaara Oromiyaa irraa dhiitee Qilee Baar gamaatti darbate.

Juneeydiin xumura kufaatii isaa booda Ummata Oromootti dhiheenya kana hafuura baafachuun, “Erga naan galee naaf gale” akka namittiin jette, osoo jiruu dhaabbatatti erga du’ee rawwatee  booda , ummata irraa dhaladhe irratti badii hojjedheeraa“Dhiifaman Gaafadha” oggaa jedhu argina;kun ammoo Aangoo fi Ogummaa qabanitti dhimma bahuun saba ofii gargaaruu osoo danda’uyyuufallaa isaa diinaaf jilbifatee hojjechuun dantaa isaa qofa keessatti gabbifatee gaafa dinni irratti dammaqee al tokkoon Qiletti darbetti, “ badii kootii yaa ummata koo natti araramaa” jechuun Ummata Oromoo gowwoomsuu osoo hin taane isaa fi fakkattotni isaas ofii isaaniitii Daallee ta’anii hafuudha. Gaaffii akka kanaatiif ummanni Oromoo deebiin qabu yoo jiraate, “Harree Galgala bade kuru kurruun hin argitu” qofaa dha.

Jala deemtotaa fi lukkeelee dinnaa kanneen biroo yoo ilaallee ammoo, Koree giduu(Centeral Committee) OPDO keessatti taphoota gara garaa Murna TPLF Wajjiin Ummata Oromoo irratti kanneen taphataa turan, Dhaabaa Dabalee fi Zalaalam Jamaanees Itti galli qabsoo isaanii kufatii dha. Diinaaf jecha marxifatanii ummata Oromoo qucarsuun, hidhuun, doorsisuun, ajjeesuu fi ajjeesisiisuun, saamuu fi saamsisuun itti galli isaa kanneen sabaaf hin taane nuufis hin taatu ittiin jechuunMucuca hin taane irraa diinaan mucuceeffamanii kufaatii hin taane kufuun Doorsifamuu fi hidhamuu ta’e.

“Namni waan dabre hin beekne kan dhufu tilmaamuuf isa rakkisa” akkuma jedhan, Dhaabaa Dabalee akka seenaan isaa ibsutti ilma qonnaan bulaa, sanuu maatii harka qal’eessa irraa nama dhalate, kan abbaan isaa osoo ani lubbuun jiru ilmii koo ilmoo namaati gadi hin ta’in jechuun Ofii kophee hodhee  barsiifateedha. “Dhugaan ni qal’atti malee hin cittu” akkuma jedhan, dhugaan dafqaan bulaa Oromoo afaan basuun itti iyyitee isa salphisuun dhuma isaa irrattii hojii malaamaltummaa hojjetta, qabeenya ummtaa nyaatte jechuun oggaa ulee Looniin tiksi jedhanii itti kennaan (aangoo ittiin  ummata Oromoo miidhanii ture) irraa mulqanii fi ati yakkamaadha Oromoo fi Oromiyallee situu gurgurate jedhanii doorsisan dhageenya.

“Namni oytee ormaatti marqate hin haqooqqatu” akkuma jedhan Zalaalam Jamaanees ‘Warshaa keenya keessati isin oomishne, isin meeshaadha, isin haarawoomsuus ta’ee isin gatuus ni dandeenya, akka ofii feenetti hanga akka meeshatti isinitti dhimma baanutti dantaa fi fedhii keenya dhibbaan dhibbatti yoo guutuu battaan Ulee ittiin tika dhaqaa jenne isin irraa fuudhuu irra ceenee, isinuu akka Looniititti Foonattii isin deebifnee isin hidhuu ni dandeenya.’ Akka jechuutiin, aangoo itti keennaan harkaa fuudhanii mana hidhatti darbachuun dararaa akka jiran dhagahe.

Dhugaan Ummata Oromoo tirattee waan ifa bahaartu fakkatti!Ammas ifa haa baatu!Diinni dantaa yerootiin ilmaan sabaa sobeesossobee nyaatee nyaachissisee, yakkee yakkisiisee dhuma irratti waan nyaatan haqqisisee osoo hin ajjeesin jiraa awwala;Cubbuu akka kanaa saba ofii irratti hojjetanii, waan hojjetaa turan keessa xumura irratti hoongahuu waaqni nu haa baraaru!

“Oyteen takka cabdu tan hafte irra kaayan” akkuma jedhan, Dhaabaa Dabalee Aangoo irraa ari’amu Bakar Shaalettuubakka bu’a, Bakar shaalees yoo kan aangoo irraa ari’amu ta’e oytee birattuu bitamee bakka bu’a waan ta’eef, Oromiyaa keessaa yoo dhabmne nutuu dhabama malee, hanga lubbuun jirru Oytee Marqaa dhabnee, Marqaa dhabnee agabuu ima hin bulle jechuun waan dhaadataa jiru fakkatu murni TPLF.

Nuti ilmaan Oromoo addatti ammoo qeerroon dhadannoo diinaatiif bakka kennuu osoo hin taane, seenaa xurawaa of irraa haqnee, Of taanee, wal taanee dina inikkaa keenya kan  madhaa maati, sa’aa nama, alaa mana keenyaa saamee saamsisaa jiru yeroon itti of irraa qabnu amma ta’uu qaba.Addatti ammoo jala deemtuu fi ergamtoota diinaa kanneen ergama diinaa baadhatani deeman isaan golaa fi golichoo keenya beekan dinni keenya hamaan isaan waan ta’eef halaalatti of irraa ittisuun dubbii fardii ta’uu qaba.

“Lafee Santawwaa ishemaan ishee cabsan” akkuma jedhan, Sochii Warraqqsa Biyyooleesaa FXG Guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti Qeerroo barattoota Oromoo fi Ummata Oromoo bal’aan dhoohuun ji’oota 7f mootummaa gabroomfataa hiddaan raasaa ture fi jiru dhaamsuuf jecha, addatti ammoo Shira Mootummaan Wayyaanee Dukkana dahoo godhachuun jiraattoota Magaalaa Shaashamannee irratti gochaa duguuginsa sanyii rawwatan qabbaneessuuf, Diina Inikkaa Ummata Oromoo, Qondaala Ol’aanaa koree gidduu (centeral committee)OPDO fi Amanamaa TPLF kan ta’e Bakar Shaalee Waxabajjii 29 bara 2016tti Murni TPLFGodina Arsii Lixaatti Bobbaasuun onoota godinicha keessatti argaman 12n Ona Dodolaa magaalaa Dodolaa irratti waltajjii marii nageenyaa maqaa jedhuun akka marii gaggeessu taasisuu dhagenya.

Ergamaan diinaa Bakar Shaalee ergaa gooftolii isaa Fiixaan baasuuf  fakkatoota akka isaa waliin Magaalaa Dodolaatti maqaa waltajjii marii nageenyaa jedhuun ummata keessa dhalte afaan Faajjessuuf yaalus itti hin milkoofne.

Bakar Shaalee ummata Oromoo biratti nama idoo hin qabne addatti ammoo Ona itti dhalate Ona Dodolaa irratti nama gochaa dugiiginsa Sanyii ummata keessatti dhalatee guddate irratti rawwata turee fi jiru ta’uu, Goototni sabboontotni ilmaan Oromoo waltajjii irratti argamantolchanii waan beekaniif, olola afaan faajjii inni saba isaa ittin gowwoomsuuf ergamtoota isaa irraa qabatee dhufe harkaa fashalsuun “Saree Roobaa” taasisuun salphisanii galchan jechuu oggaan dhagahuu, Bakar Shaalee eenyuun akka ta’ee fi eenyuun akka bakka bu’e anis tolchee beeka waan ta’eef raaguun na hin dhibne.

Egaa anis Bakariin baroota waliin turree fi bira turetti eenyuun akka ta’e tolchee waan beekuuf eenyummaa isaa ibsuun yeroo natti hin fudhanne. Bakar Lukkee diinaa Ergama diinaa birxa baasuuf jecha ummata isaa irratti duuluu nama aadaa godhate waan ta’eef, jechaanis ta’ee gochaan ummata keessa dhalate sobee sossobuun summii diinaa itti facaasuun, goolamiinsa, laaqamaa fi maanxama hin feesifne keessa ummatatti uumuun  isaaf salphaa ture.

“Dhalcha bade lamuu irraa hin deebi’an” akkuma jedhan, Bakar Shaalee fi Fakkaattotni isaa, Ona Dodolaa Magaalaa Dodolatti gaafa Waxabajjii 29 bara 2016 ergama diinaa qabatanii ummata isaanii amansiisuuf yaalanis gochaan isaanii ummataan irratti dammaqamuun waan bahaniif osoo hin mikaayin waaroo salphinnaa uffachuun gaaffii ummataa qofaaf of qopheessan. Akka isaan yaadanii gooftolii isaanii gammachiisuuf jecha milli isaanii lafa hanqatee ummata duratti bahan osoo hin taanee dubbiin fallaa isaa ta’eti kan argame.

Akka kanaanis hirmaattotni walgahichaa maanguddootni gaaffillee gara garaa dhiheessaniin,

• Mootuummaan Keessan TPLF Ummata Oromoo irratti sababa maaliif miidhaa adda addaa gaggeessa?
• Biyyaa fi Biyyee keenya irrattii maaliif nu hidha, nu hiraasa, nu ajjeesa?
• Lafa keenya irratti Lafee keenya cabsee Rawwatee maaliif ilmaan keenya nu jalatti rasaasaan qiyyaafatee ajjeesa?
• Hanga yoomii akkatti nu gidiraa, nu ajjeessaa, nu bulchuuf karoora baafata?
• Isin hoo hanga yoomii ergama diinaa baattanii nu gowwoomsuuf yaaltu jechuun waaroo salphinnaa gonfachiisuun ergama diinaa isaan baatanii deeman harka fashalsan.

Bakar Shaalee Fakkatota akka isaa qabatee ergama diinni itti kenne bakkaan gahuuf, QBO baroota dheeraaf diinaa fi ergamtoota diinaatiin ukkaanfamaa ture kan hadha dhiigaa fi lafee ilmaan isaatiin daraaree firii naqachuttii jiru dhaamsuuf, Waltajjii marii nageenyaa jechuun marii taasisuun, Beenzilaa bobaahaa jiru Bishaan itti facaasuun dhaamsuu akka jechuti.

Gochaa sukaneessaa ilmaan Oromoo jiraattota magaalaa Shashamannee irratti dukkanaan daheefachuun mootummaan ergamtota isaa itti erguun ficisiiseee araarfachuuf jecha Bakarii Shalee maqaa aantummaa fi itti dhiheenyaatiin Ummata Oromoo Godina Arsii Lixaatii erguu jechuun, tuffii ummata Oromootiif qaban bakkaan gahuu dha.

Gabroomfattootni Oggaa Ummata Oromoo irraan miidhaa gahuu yaadanitti, (Sirritti isin galchina) jechaa dhaadachuun.

Isintu wali, Isinumaanisin doorsisna, isinuumaan isin hiina, isunumaan isin ajjeefna, isinuumaan qe’ee fi qabeenya keessan saamna, Isinumaan biyyaa fi biyyee keessan irraa isin baqachiifna jechuun, “Fiindoo Harree isimaan isii guban” akka jechuu fakkaata.

Oggaa Muddamsuu keessa seenanii Rakkoo Uumame qabbaneessuuf yaalanitti ammoo.

Ummata keessan ofii doorsiftan, Ofii keessanii hiitan, Ofii keessanii Ajjeeftan, Ofii Keessanii Saba keessan Biyyaa isaa irraa baqachiiftan, Qe’ee fi qabeenya Ummata keessanii Ofii saamtan, Rakkoo isinii fi ummata keessan giddutti dhalatuuf rakkoon rakkoo Bulchiinsa gaariti jechuun furmaata akkasitti barbaaduun hojii keessan ta’uu qaba, Hojjettoota Mootummaa gita hojii kamuu irra jiran kanneen quuqama saba isaaniif qaban kan jireenya ofii qofaaf mootummaa waliin socho’an, isaannan saba isaanitiif garaa hiran irratti wal ijaartanii, yoo irra geessan hojii irraa rarraasuun, hojii irraa ari’uun, maqaa kira sasabdummaatiin ebalutuu horii ummaataa nyaatee lafaan lixe jechuun wal basaasuun keessan ta’uu qaba, Akkaa kanaan amanamummaa nuuf qabaadhaa, sadarkaa hojii keessanii karaan ittii isiniif guddisuu dandeenyu, idoo jirtanitti ga’uumsa isin hojii keessan irratti qabdan osoo hin taane, amanamummaa fi dirqama nu  isinitti kennine yoo dhibbaan dhibatti bahattan qofa dha;hanga kana hin ta’initti rakkoo ummataan nurratti dhalatuuf itti gaafatamummaa kan fudhatuu fi dirqama nu isinitti kennine fudhachuuf of qopheessuu qabdu jechuun dorsisuu ture.

Waan ta’eefis Ummata Irraa dhalataan, kan keessatti guddattan afaan wal beektan waan ta’eef dhaqaa amansiisaa, waan nu isiniin jennen jedhaanii jechuun, “Harreen dhiittee ilkaan wal irraa hin cabsitu” Ummata keessan akkanatti amansiisuu qabdan akka jechuuti.

Mootummoota Abbaa Irree Habashaa dhufaa lufaa dabran keessatti Qabsoo ummata Oromootiin gaggeefamu kamuu harka fashalsuuf akka tarsiimotti kanneen diinii itti dhimma bahee Ummata Oromoo cabsee, qabsoo isaanii quucarse, garaaf bultoota harcaatuu eenyummaa ishee hin beeknetti fayyadameeti.

Hardhas gochaan farruumaa diinaan amaleffatame itti fufuun yeroo Oromoon bakka jiruu dammaqee alaa fi keessan harka wal qabtee qabsoo isaa finiinsaa jiruttis diinni tooftaa gabroomsuu baretti dhimma bahee ilmaan sabaa saba irraa fottoqsuun dantaa dhuunfatiin sobe sossobee eenyumaa ishe walaalchisiisee saba iraatti bobbaasuun fedhii isaa guttataa jira.

Murna TPLF Wayyaaneef Bakar Shaalee gole Oromiyaa keessa Arsii fi Baale(Sikkoo fi Mando)keessatti adda durumadhaan nama aangoo sadarkaa olitti fayyadamee ummata Oromoo irratti duuluun, daandii diinni irra kaaye qofarra masakamuun injifannoolee cululuqoo Tigrootaaf galmeesiseedha.

Gochaan Saamichaa, Hidhaa, Ajjeechaa, Biyyarraa baqachiisuu fi kkf Bakar Shalee Ummata Oromoo Naannoo Arsii fi Baalee irratti raawwataa turee fi jiru tarrisa isaa nan ibsa yoon jedhe waan yeroon na gahu natti hin fakkatu.

Bakar Shaalee Fincaan Oromoo ti.  Keessayyuu ilma qonnaan bulaa bu’aa bahii jirenyaa dhiphoo keessa dabruun kufee ka’ee sadarkaa hadha irra jiru gahedha. Haa ta’u malee dhiigaanis Oromoo ta’u, gochaan farrummaa inni saba isaa irratti hojjetaa turee fi jiru Oromummaa isaa irraa mulquu bira ceehee Oromoo ture jechuunuu Ummata Oromoo gochaa isaa kana tolchanii beekaniif wal nama gaafachiisa.

Akkaan ani gochaa qabatamaa inni hojjete beekutti Bakar Ummata Oromootiif addatti ammoo Ummata Ona Dodolaatiif nama gumaati.

Bakar Shaalee bu’uura isaa irraa qabee dhiigaan Oromoo ta’us, jechaa fi gochaan inni ummata Oromoo irratti raawwataa turee fi jiru kan diinummaati. Bakar Shaalee Gochaa Diinummaa baadhatee diinaa tumsuun, Ummata Oromoo tumsiisuun, Hidhuun, Saamsisuun, Doorsisuun, Ajjeesisiisuu fi Biyarraa Baqachisiisuun waan hadhaan tana dhalate osoo hin tanee bubuleera.

Erga gaafa Tigroonni tokko jedhanii Oromiyaa seenanitiiqabee, Ummata keessaa dhalatee fi keessatti dhalate irratti namagochaa qaaneessaa fi farrummaa kan boruu seenaanis ta’ee seeraan wal nama gaafachiisu hojjetaa tureedha.Gochoota Farrummaa inni hojjetaa ture keessaa muraasni:

-Gubachuu Bosona Baalee keessaa kallattiidhaanis ta’ee cina galaan Bakar Shaalee namaharka keessaa qabuudha.

-Lafa Qonnaa hadhaan tana hunxee Misooma Qonnaa Jedhamuun beekamu kan gaashaa heddutti lakkawamu, Qoonnaan bultootaa fi Horsiisee Bultoota Ganda Hunxee Aloolaa fi Ganda  Gadeedoo Gannat irraa buqqasuun Tigroota Maqalee fidee namni qubachise Bakar Shaaleeti.

-Hidhaa Malkaa Waakkanaa keessatti ilmaan Oromoo hojii waardiyallee qaban keessaa ariisisuun guutummaa qabeenyaa Malkaa Wakkanaa irraa galu Tigreedhaaf akka oolu namni adda durummaadhaan tasise Bakar Shaaleeti.

-Omishaa fi galii adda addaa ummanni Oromoo qabu kanneen akka Paarkii Diinshoo, Lafa qonnaa Ardaayitaa, Lafa Qonnaa Aarduu, Lafa Qonnaa Hiinja Burqituu, Lafa qonnaa Seeroftaa fi Galii Gaarreen Baalee irraa galu keessatti Tigroota iddoo furtuu qabsiisuun namni Oromoo Hiyyoomsee diina garaachaan dhahachiise Bakar Shaaleeti.

-Bakar Shalee raga qabatamaa fi hubatama kan nama dhiisii osoo afaan qabaatee dhagaa muknillee raga itti bahuun gochaa Farruumaa Seeraanis ta’ee, seenaan isa gaafachiisuu nama rawwataa turee dha.

Bara 1996/2004 daarktarrii ol’aanaa Gumruukaa fi Galii ta’ee oggaa hojjetaa turetti, Ajjeechaa gar jabinnaa Tigrichi, keellaa Dodolaa irrattii huccuu seeraan ala magaalattii seene jechuun, konkolaataan dirree qonnaa irratti bittinsiisuun ibiddaan gubaa ture irratti uffata gubataa jiru fudhachuuf yaalte ittiin jechuun m/b sad. 2^ffaa Dodolaatti barataa gola 9^ffaa kan ture fi dhalataa Ona Dodolaa Ganda Tulluu Alawansoo kan ta’e Naasir Woliyyii Baadhaasoo Xaqaqaa jedhamu rasaasaan adda isaa ruktee oggaa Baqatutti, Bakar Shaalee nama diina innikkaa Oromoo ta’uun  gochaa Tigrichaan raawwatame salphisee ergama gooftoolii isaa qofa fudhachuun dhiga dhangala’e harkaan dhiqatee galgala sana galama bulchiinsa Magaalaa Dodolaatti Maatii Naasirii fi ummata Oromoo ajjeechaagar jabinnaa Tigreen rawwatamemormaa ture walitti qabuun marii taasiseedha.

Marii taasise kanaanis Tigrichaaf galata oolee nama borumtaa guyyaa ajjechaa sanaa araara buuse gumaan maatii Naasiriif akka kaffalamuu godhee dirqama diinaan itti kenneme dhibbaan dhibbatti baheedha.

Kan nama dinqu Bakar Shaalee Ummata Orommoo gaafa sana Ajjeefamuu Naasir irratti Argamuun ofii bohu duratti Imimmaan Sobaa busuun jechaa inni gaaf san ummata Oromoo sobee sossobee jedhe keessaa, “Yaa ummata kiyyaa Nu hadhaa mitii dur duunee, inni du’e du’ee ati kan jirtu Hirmii nama du’ee tufadhuu, gumaa nama keetii fudhadhu” jedhee ummata mooraa galmaa keessatti dhibootaan lakkawaman jecha tokoon tasgabbeessee Jaarsummaa gumaa fudhachuutiif jaarsa biyyaa lakkofsiise.

Guyyaa gaafa Tigrichi Naasir ajjeesuu, Tigreen amanamummaa Bakar Shaalee qabdu irraa, Tigrichi ganama keessa akka lakkoofsa habashatti saa’atii 4:00 tti Naasiriin  adda isaa keessa rukutee Bakar Ammoo Bilbila itti bilbilameen Tigricha Dodolaa ka’ee baqataa jiru Shashamannetti riphsiisee, guyyaa keessa saa’atii 9:00 yoo ta’u Finfinnee ka’ee Dodola dhufuun rifaatuu Oromoof qabu Ibsuuf osoo hin tane Tigree nama gumaa akka hin tanee baraaruuf saa’atii 10:00tti nama ummata walitti qabee balbala Oromoo gaddaan cufee Hulaa Tigree gamachuun saaqee  galeedha.

Egaa yaa Oromoo isinitti haa dhagahamu, seenaan Naasir Woliyyii inni Tigrichaan qabeenyaa isaatiif biyyaa fi biyyoo isaa irratti ajjeefame guyyaa gaaf sanaa qofa Bakar Shaaleetiin, “Yaa ummata kiyyaa Nu hadhaa mitii dur duunee, inni du’e du’ee ati kan jirtu Hirmii nama du’ee tufadhuu gumaa nama keetii fudhadhu” jechuun dubbatame qofa ta’e.Isa kana irraa hafe gumaa nama ofii baafachuu fi nama nama isaa ajjeesee fi ajjeesisiise seeraanis ta’ee seenaan dhiheefachuun kan dhalootaati.

Walumaa galatti haasawa koo gara xumuraatti fiduuf, Tigroonni hadhallee Bakar Shalee gochaan inni kalee dheengadda saba isaa irratti hojjechaa ture gahaa miti ittiin jechuun, golaa fi gollichoo Oromoo situ beeka waan ta’eef hadhas akkuma asiin duraa“nama du’e awwaaladhaa; kan jirtan ammoo abbaan fedhe yoo waan fedhe isin godhe hin dubatinaa cal jedhaa adabadhaa” ittiin jedhi jechuun akka inni ummta isaa tasgabbessuuf Ummata Arsii Lixaatti fakkaattota isaa waliin bobaasan.Egaa anis kanumaafan “Osoo Gaafa Naqattoo Nyaadhe Na Hidhanii Fe’umattii Hin Dabru” jettee Sareen jedhe.

Yoomiyyuu taanaan “Tiisisa irraaa Damma eeguun” akkuma hin danda’amne Bakarii fi Fakkaattota isaa irraa dhimmaa Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irratti hojjetu, Walabummaa oromoo fi Bilisummaa Oromiyaatiif abjotu jennee yaaduun nurraa hin eegamu. Kan ta’uu qabu nuti ilmaan Oromoo bakkuma jirutti of taanee wal taanee xiqqaa fi guddaa keenyaan wal masaknee QBO finiinsuun mirga abbaa biyyumaa keenya gonfachutuu nurraa eegama.

Bakar Shaalee Godina Baalee hadhaan tana Arsii Lixaa jedhamee beekamu ona Dodolatti dhalate.Bakar bara 2000 irraa egalee hojjetaa civil sarvisii fi basaasaa Wayyanee ta’uun Gammoojjii Baalee Raayituu (remote area)irraa qabee hanga hadhaan tana jirutti godinoota Baalee fi Arsii keessa nama muudamaan aangoo gara gadii irraa hanga sadarkaa guutuu biyyatti guddachuun hojjetaa turee fi jiruudha.

Bakar erga gaafa hojii mootummaa qabateetii eegalee nama ergama diinaa qofa irratti xiyyeffatee hojjetu ture .Amanamummaadhaan nama fira isaa ganee diinaaf jecha mataa isaa haadatuudha.Muudamni Wayyaneedhaan Bakar Shaaleetiif kenname walduraa duubaan, Hojjetaa Civil Service, Kaabinee Ona Dodolaa, Bulchaa Ona Dodolaa, Bulchaa godina Baalee, Komishiiii komishhiinara Poolisii Oromiyaa, Daarektara hojii gamtaa Oromiyaa, Daayreektara ol’anaa abbaa taaytaa Gumrukaa fi galii Itoophiyaa fa’a ta’uun hanga angoo hadha harkaa qabutti Baale Raayituu irraa ka’ee sadarkaadhaan ilmaan Oromoo ajjeesisiisaa, hiisisiisaa, qe’ee fi qabeenyaa isaanii saamsisaa amna karaa dheera qaxxamuruun nama Finfinnee dhufeedha.

Bakar addatti Warqinee Gabayyoo waliin ta’ee Muumicha ministeraa duraanii Wayyanee fi ergamtootni isaanii baantu Mallasiin biratti hojii basaasummaatiin odeessa Caffee irraa guree itti geessun nama dhageetti guddaa qabuudha.

Bakar Shaalee nama umriin isaa waggaa 40-50 giddutti argamu yoo ta’uu abba ijoolee lamati.Bakar Wayyanee biratti harka mirgaa isaanii ta’uun beekkamus, Ilmaan Oromoo biratti ammoo nama osoo jiru du’ee hidha gadi awwaalameedha.

waan ta’eefis nuti ilmaan Oromoo yakkamtootaa, ergamtoota diinaa, Ayyaan laallattoota fi sirna dhabloota saba ofii ganuun garaa ofiitiif jecha garaa waliin dhalatan irratti gochaa duguuginsa sanyii raawwataa turanii fi jiran yeroon itti saaxillu amma ta’uu qaba.

Bakar Shaalee Dhiigan Oromoo ta’us ilaalchi inni Oromoof qabu ilaalchaa diinati.Hojii isaa keessaa kan ummata Oromoo dinqisisu yoo jiratee Gaafa aangooo mootummatti seenuuf jiru nama beekumsaa fi dandeetti addaa qabuun sadarkaa amma irra jiru kana gahe osoo hin taane, Gitni hojii isaa jalqabatti Hojjeetaa civil service, naannoo gammoojii Baalee, Raayituu irraa eegalee hanaga hadha Finfinnee gahetti, ilmaan Oromoo Baalee Diida’a warra Arsii fi Baalee (Sikkoo fi Mando) dhiiga dhugaa amanamummaa TPLFf qabuun sadrkaa aangoo amma irra jiruu qofa.

Waan isa irraa hafeen ammoo Oromoon bayina’ummata isaa miliyoona 40 olii kan himatu, rakkataa fi salphataaa akka Bakarii  lakkaweti. QBO keessatti Kaayyoon ganama Walabummaan Ormiyaa  fi Bilisummaan Oromoo kan gootoni wareegamtootni Oromoo Lubbuu isaanii qallii jijjiraa hin qabne itti wareegan sun galma gahuuf Basaastottnii fi lukkeeleen akka Bakar Shaalee saba keessaa qulqulaahanii bahuu qaban jechutti amana ummanni Oromoo bal’aan.

Walumaa galattii cufti ilmaan Oromoo Kanneen alaa fi keessa jirtan, kanneen dhugaa saba keessanii ifa baasuuf jecha qabsoo hadhaawaa gaggeessa jirtan, addatti ammoo qeerroon barttootni Oromoo bobaa diinaa jala teettanii diinaan wan’aansoo qabaa jirtan itti galli QBO walabummaa Oromiyaa fi Bilisummaa Oromoo akka ta’uuf sochiin Waraaqsa Biyyoolessaa FXG hadhaan tana guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti ji’oota 7f finiinuun daa’imaa fi jaarsa dabalatee lubbuun namoota 500 olitti tilmaamamu hanga guyyaa hadhaatti wareegamuun, Mootummaa Gabroomfataa hidaan raasaa turee fi jiru ummata Oromoo boonsuuun addunyatti akka dhageetti hore waan ta’eef, galanni keessan Bilisummaa haa ta’u!

Waan ta’eefis ilmaan Oromoo alaa fi keessatti dhimmaa Oromoo fi Oromiyaa ilaallatauun qabsoo hadhaawaa bifa kamiinuu gaggeessaa jirtan, kanneen dhiibbaa diinaatiin biyya keessan irraa baqachuun biyya lafaa irratti faffacaatanii jirtan hundi keessanuu yeroon itti wal taanee irree tokkoon bakka jirrutti waan harkaa qabnuun, qaamaan, yaadaan, Beekumsaa fi dandeettii ogummaa qabnuutiin, Mallaqaa fi kkfn QBO itichuun mootummaa gabroomsatti yeroon xumura goonu amma ta’uu qaba.

Qasaawan ni kufa qabsoon itti fufa!

Gabroomfataan ni kufa!

Bilisummaan ni dhufa!

Gadaan gadaa Bilisummaati!

Injifannoon Ummata Oromoof!!

Waaqoo Nooleetiin

#‎OromoProtests‬ Last night at 6:30 PM clash within federal police at Ambo University Awaro campus resulted in death of 2 offficers and one critically wounded. The killer is identified as officer from Afar and the three victims are from Tigray. Apparently the Afar officer was summoned by senior Tigrean commander for investigation. He left the meeting after short-while and returned with his loaded gun opening fire on the three officers. He is yet to be apprehended as he escaped with his gun.
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Guyyaa 26/10/08 kaleessaa galgala sa’a 12:30 irratti magaalaa Amboottii Universty Amboo awwaroo camp keessattii Federal police jidduu ttii walittii bu’iimsii uumaamee lubbun darbe jira. Poolisiin federaalaa lammii Affaar ta’e tokko federaalota Tigray sadihiin qorannoof yaamame aariidhaan bahee qawwee fudhatee dhukaasa itti banee lama ajjeese 1 ammo madeessee du’aafi jiruu jidduu jira. Loltuun Affaar sun qawwee akkuma qabateen waan maqeef hamma ammaa hin qabamne.

ዛሬ ጠዋት እነበቀለ ገርባ ፍርድ ቤት ቀጠሮ ነበራቸውየቂሊንጦ እስር ቤት አስተዳደር የሚያደርስባቸውን ሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት እና ጫና በተያያዘ አቤቱታ አቅርበው ነበር። ዛሬ የእስር ቤቱ አስተዳደር የሚሰጠውን ምላሽ ለመስማት ነበር ቀጠሮ የተሰጠው። አስተዳደሩ ምላሽ ያለውን በፅሁፍ አቅርቧል። ምላሹን አይቶ ትእዛዝ ለመስጠት ለሃምሌ 8/2008 ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቷል። አቶ በቀለ እና አቶ ደጀኔ ካቀረቡት አቤቱታ ውስጥ ከጤናቸው ጋር የተያያዘ የሆነው ጊዜ መውሰድ ስለሌለበት ቶሎ ውሳኔ እንዲሰጥበት ጠበቃቸው አቶ አመሃ ለፍርድቤቱ ጥያቄ አቅርበው የነበረ ሲሆን የሁለቱን የጤና ጉዳይ በተመለከተ ትእዛዝ ተሰጥቷል። በቀለ እና ደጀኔ የታዘዘላቸው መድሃኒት በእስር ቤቱ ግቢ ውስጥ በሚገኘው መድሃኒት ቤት የለም ከተባለ እንኳን ከውጪ ተገዝቶ እንዲገባላቸው እንዲያደርጉ ከቂሊንጦ ለመጡኦፊሰሮች ተነግሯል።በተያያዘ ደጀኔ ጣፋ እናቱ የታደሰ መታወቂያ ስለሌላቸው እስርቤት ገብተው ሊጠይቁት አለመቻላቸውን ገልፆ ወይ ችሎት ውስጥ እንዲገናኙ ወይ በጡረታ መታወቂያ መግባት እንዲችሉ እንዲፈቀድላቸው አቤቱታ አቅርቧል። ዳኛውም እንዲተባበሩት ለኦፊሰሮች ጠይቀዋል። የደጀኔ እናት የሚኖሩበት አካባቢ ቀበሌ መታወቂያቸውን ሊያድስላቸው ፈቃደኛ ባለመሆኑ ነው መታወቂያቸው ያልታደሰው እና እስካሁን ልጃቸውን ማየት ያልቻሉት።★ከክሳቸው ጋር በተያያዘ ባቀረቡት መቃወሚያ ላይ ዳኞች የሚሰጡት ብይን ለማሰማት ለሃምሌ 25/2008 የተሰጠው ቀጠሮ እንደተጠበቀ ነው።‪#‎OromoProtests‬

Guyyaa dheengadaa fi kaleessa Godina Harargee bahaa Aanaa Jaarsoo magaala Ahmad-Imaam keessattii dargaggooni hiriira mormii cimaa kan taasisan yoo tahuu:- dhadannoolee “Wayyaaneen nuu hin bulchitan, ABO’n haa nuu bulchuu waan feetan fidaa” jettuufi fkkf kan biroo dhageessisaa oolan jechuun oduun garasii nu geesse ni ibsiti. Mormii kanan wal- qabatee dargaggooni Sadii fi abbootii isanii kan barbaada dhaqaan waliin Aanaa Jaarsoo magaala Ejarsa goorooti hidhamanii jiru. Maqaan namoota hidhamanii keessa tokko dargaggoo Fu’aad (maqaa qosaa isaa Fuhee) jedhamu hojiin isaa konkolaachisa tahe yoo tahuu maqaa namoota hafaani qulqulleesseen siif dhiheessina.

‪#‎OromoProtests‬– This is Taye Danda’a Araddo who was an outstanding student of Law at Addis Ababa University (AAU) and a role model for many students. He was jailed in 2009 and sentenced to 10 years. He was released recently from the prison after seven years imprisonment.
Taye had been in jail from 2004-2007 due to his political views. Without giving up, after his release, he went back to school and continued his education till his arrest three days before his graduation in 2009.
Taye has been a star student, and he had been hired by AAU as a professor before his latest arrest by Ethiopian government authorities. He had received countless awards from the district-level to Caffee Oromiyaa for his academic successes.
Taye was only three days away from his graduation when he was arrested; and he had been offered a teaching position at the same university.
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Kun Taayyee Danda’aa Araddoo ti. Taayyeen bara 2009 hidhamee hidhaan waggoota kudhanii itti murtaa’e; sababa kanaan waggoota torbaaf manneen hidhaa Itoophiyaa addaddaa keessatti gidirfamaa ture. Hidhaa waggoota torbaa fixuunis dhiyeenya hidhaa irraa hiikame. Taayyeen kana duras bara 2004-2007tti barattoota Yunivarsitii Finfinnee fi miseensota Waldaa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa fi gaazexeessitoota Oromoo waliin hidhamee ture. Yeroo san kan hidhame sababa magaalaa Finfinnee gara Adaamaatt jijjiiruu mormaniif ture. Hidhaa waggaa sadii booda manni murtii bilisaan gadhiisee ture. San booda barumsa seeraa Yunivarsitii Finfinneetti barachaa turetti deebi’ee yeroo eebbaaf dhiyaatu qabamee hidhame.
Taayyeen nama dhugaaf falmu, barumsa isaatti jabaa, nama naamusaa fi sansakkaa Oromummaa jabaa qabuudha. Taayyeen kan dhalatee guddate, Oromiyaa giddugalaa, Shawaaa Kaabaa, aanaa Kuyyuu keessatti ta’uun beekamaadha.

YAADACHIISA

Yeroo ammaa warraaqsa cimaa ummannii magaalaa Awwadaay godhaa jiran irraa ka’uun mootummaan wayyaanee sodaa guddaa keessa seenuun magaalaa Awwadaayifi Haroomaayaa humna waraanaan weeraree jira. Kanumaan wal qabatee hawaasni, ulamaayiin ykn sheekkootnii keenya maarti mana gaddaa (taziyaa) ijoollee waraanni wayyaanee fixee sanitti kan argaman waan taheef daranuu mootummaan wayyaanee yaadda’uun basaasoota waan ummanni mari’atuufi waan irratti waliigalan odeeffannoo funaantuuf gara manneen taaziyaafi masgiidootatti ergaa jiraachuun baramee jira.

Tigist Gammee

Laaftoo bakka manoonni diggamanii fi miha namoota manni jalaa diiggamee, Finfinnee

WASHINGTON, DC (VOA Afaan Oromoo) — Qarqaara magaala Finfinnee nannoowwan akka Laaftoo fi Qarsaa kontoomaattii mana ijaaranii jiraachaa namoonni turan, seeran alla ijaaran jechuudhan bulchiinsi magaala Finfinnee diiguu jalqabeera. Kana laalchiisudhan Gummin Mirga Dhala Namaa han Itoophiyaa keessaa ibsa atattamaa baase irratti namoota karaa adda addatiin lafa argatanii mana ijaarratanii maatii ofii jiraachisan, lammii ofii, qeheerraa buqistee kara irratti baasuudhan Itoophiyyaan heera biyyatiitif waliigaltee adda addaa akka adduunyaatti fudhatee mallateesitee hunda cabsite jedha.

Obboo Bitsi’aatee Tarrafaa, Daayrektarii dhaaba kanaati. “Ibsa atattamaa baasuun han barbaachise qorannoo gochaa jiru fixnee odoo hin ta’iin hammiina haala lammiwwan buqa’anii keessa jiranii laalleeti” jedhee, keessumaatuu moosina gannaa, oggaa roobniif qorri jiru kana keessaa namoonni alatti baafamuun isaanii waan yaaddessaa ta’uu dubbata.

Namoota manni jalaa diggamee keessaa takka – hadhaa ijoollee afurii fi abban warraa han dhukkuba Eechayiviitin jala du’e – aaddee Tigist jedhamti. Haalaa itti manni ihsii diggamee fi jireenya amma keessa jirutu oggaa ibsitu, “manan wayaa namaa miiccee, biddeen tolchee ijarradhe, odoon mihuma kiyyallee hin baafatin na jalaa diigan’ jechtee, ergasii as hurufa taa’anii jiranitti poolisiin isaan marsee jirachuu fi waan nyaatanis ta’ee dhugan dhabanii ijooleen ishii itti bohaa jirachuu isaanii ibsiti.

Wajjira Kantiibaa bulchiinsa magaala Finfinneetti, Kaabinee ittii gaafatamaa han ta’e Obboo Asaggid Getaachoo kana dura mootummaan namoota rakkina akkanaa keessa jiran karaa irratti gatee hin callisu jedhanii turan. Namoonni rakkina dhugaa qabatanii mana dhabanii mana akkanaa ijarratan hoo jiraatan ammas, maatii isaanii wajjin akka rakkoo hamaatan isaan hin quunnamne , mootumman iddoo qopheessee achiitti isaan galchaa jedhan.

Dhumarrattis, Ibsi Gumii mirga dhala namaatiin bahe mootummaan lubbuu bade namoota itti gafataman seeratti dhiheesuu fi hirpha baasuu qaba; Kana malees, namoota seeran ala lafa fudhatanii mana ijaarratan jedhaman odoo mana irratti hin diigiin akkatan manni jireenya bakka biraatti qophaahuf mijachuu qaba jechuudhan bulchiinsi finfinneetis ta’ee dhabaatoonni gargaarsaa waan danda’aniin akka namoota karaatti bahan kanaa birmataniif wamichaa.

As Benjamin Netanyahu makes his way to Africa, these 11 Ethiopian Jews are among the thousands who have been waiting up to two decades in Gondar and Addis Ababa to immigrate to Israel

Ambanesh Tekeba, 32 sits in the HaTikva synagogue on April 25, 2016. Tekeba is the head of the Jewish community in Gondar, at a time when few women hold leadership positions. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

GONDAR, Ethiopia (The Times of Israel) — When the congregation at the HaTikvah Synagogue in this northern Ethiopian town rises to sing Israel’s national anthem at the end of every service, the mournful melody is transformed into a rousing chant, a determined shout to the heavens — and to the doors of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset — that their prayers to immigrate to the land of Zion are heard.

In 2013, the Jewish Agency announced the end of Ethiopian aliyah, with a celebratory last flight and ceremony at Tel Aviv’s Ben Gurion Airport. Jewish Agency head Natan Sharansky said they had “closed the circle” on Ethiopian aliyah after 3,000 years.

While Sharansky celebrated at the airport, left behind in Gondar — as well as in the country’s capital, Addis Ababa — were approximately 9,000 Ethiopian Jews who did not qualify for aliyah according to standards from the Ministry of the Interior, but still deeply identify as Jewish.

In November, the government approved the immigration of 9,000 Jews from Ethiopia. The decision faltered three months later when the Prime Minister’s Office refused to implement the program because the $1 billion needed to fund the absorption process was not in the state budget. Two Likud MKs, Avraham Neguise and David Amsalem,refused to vote with the coalition until the government funded the decision to bring the Ethiopian Jews to Israel, which they finally did in April. However, a Knesset shake-up in late May meant that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has a larger majority in the coalition, and Neguise and Amsalem’s tactics will not work again.

Benjamin Netanyahu and his wife Sara speaking to the press at Ben Gurion International Airport on July 4, 2016, at the start of a trip to Africa. (Raphael Ahren/Times of Israel))

The Ethiopian immigration was supposed to begin in June. But as Netanyahu flew to Africa on a four-day tour this week, his office refused to comment on reasons why the process has not started.

Netanyahu is touring Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, and he will arrive in Ethiopia on Thursday. There, Netanyahu will meet with politicians and businessmen, and take a tour of the national museum, but his official schedule does not include any meetings with the Jewish community.

The Jews left behind in Ethiopia are classified as “Falashmura,” a term for Ethiopian Jews whose ancestors converted to Christianity, often under duress, generations ago. But most Jews in Ethiopia today reject this term. They are willing to go through the conversion process when they arrive in Israel, as some are not matrilineal Jewish, but they bristle at the suggestion that they are not ethnically Jewish.

Falashmura and those still in Ethiopia are not considered Jewish under the Law of Return, which requires one Jewish grandparent and disqualifies someone who has converted to another religion, even if the conversion happened a long time ago.

Jewish Agency spokesman Avi Mayer stressed that while the agency facilitates the process of moving Ethiopians to Israel, the Interior Ministry is the body that makes the lists of those who are eligible.

“Since the individuals in question have not been found eligible for aliyah [under the Law of Return] by the Ministry of the Interior, their ability to immigrate to Israel is subject to ad hoc decisions by the Israeli government, made on a humanitarian basis,” Mayer said. “The Jewish Agency will carry out any decision by the Government of Israel pertaining to immigration from Ethiopia to the best of our ability, as we have over the past six decades.”

Members of the Falash Mura Jewish Ethiopian community wait for prayer service before attending the Passover seder meal, in the synagogue in Gondar, Ethiopia, April 22, 2016 (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

Ethiopian Israelis were not willing to let their relatives be forgotten, and launched an extended fight to reunite families torn apart by the bureaucratic policies of aliyah.

Likud MK Avraham Neguise, chairman of the Committee for Immigration, Absorption and Diaspora Affairs. (Government Press Office)

So now, after three years of negotiations, false starts, and dashed hopes, the first new Ethiopian Jewish immigrants are praying that their plans to being arriving at Ben Gurion this summer will still come to fruition. Neguise declined to comment on an expected timeframe, citing ongoing negotiations with the Prime Minister’s Office.

The long period of limbo, of being unsure whether they when or if they will move to Israel, has plunged many Jewish families in Ethiopia deeper into poverty. They left their villages behind 20 years ago, destroying the social fabric that holds families together in order to move to Gondar or Addis Ababa to be closer to the Jewish Agency offices. As such, they haven’t started businesses because they are always expecting to leave; they rent instead of saving to buy a home, leaving them poorer each month as rents increase.

The Jewish Agency used to run a feeding program for the Jewish community, for nursing and expectant mothers and children up to age 6, but that program ended in 2013 when they announced the end of Ethiopian aliyah. Although the Jewish Agency has recently returned to the area, including sponsoring a Passover seder in April 2016, the feeding program has not resumed. In 2011, researchers found that 41% of the Jewish children in Gondar were malnourished, and in the 12-23 month age range, 67% were malnourished. The average urban malnutrition rate in Ethiopia is 30%.

Who are these Jews, the ones left behind Ethiopia? The following are eleven personal stories of heartbreak, waiting, and ultimately, hope.

Eyayu Abuhay (right), one of five members of the leadership committee of the Addis Ababa community, and community member Ayeneixi Moges in the youth room at the Addis Ababa synagogue on May 6, 2016. (Melanie Lidman/Times of Israel)

Eyayu Abuhay, 28, committee member, Addis Ababa

“We are the last ones left,” said Eyayu Abuhay, 28, one of five elected committee members who leads the community in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. “I have no family here. We don’t know why we’re left. They say we’re Falashmura but we reject this name.”

The 3,000-strong Jewish community in Addis is spread out over the outskirts of the city as members can no longer afford to live near the synagogue, which is next to the Israeli Embassy. Now, community members find themselves traveling up to two hours by public transport to reach the synagogue. Shabbat services attract only about 100 people, though hundreds come on Sunday mornings over the weekend.

Abuhay says the reason he is still in Ethiopia is dirty politics and racism.

“They are ignoring us by our color,” he said. “We are Ethiopian Jews, so yes, we look like Ethiopians. Yemenite Jews look like Yemenites, and Dutch Jews look like Dutch. What do they expect?”

Ambanesh Tekeba, 32 sits in the HaTikva synagogue on April 25, 2016. Tekeba is the head of the Jewish community in Gondar, at a time when few women hold leadership positions. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

Ambanesh Tekeba, 32, head of the community, Gondar

In Ethiopia’s patriarchal society, community head Ambanesh Tekeba is an anomaly, a woman elected to lead the Jewish community of Gondar. Tall and striking, she projects calm and competence as she oversees the logistics for all of the community, whether it is directing 3,000 people for the seder or giving a tour to Ethiopian soldiers who have been assigned to protect the synagogue.

“After the Jewish Agency closed everything here [in August, 2013], we started the congregation anew,” she said. Tekeba was one of the 15 people involved in restarting the synagogue community, renaming it “HaTikva” or “The Hope.” She still smarts from the Jewish Agency’s treatment of her and other members of the Jewish community from previous years, and said that in previous years she wasn’t even able to attend the community seder because she wasn’t “on the list of Jews.”

Tekeba said she wasn’t on those lists because her mother is not Jewish, though her father is Jewish. She is also married to a non-Jewish man, though believes the issue with aliyah is tied to her patrilineal Judaism.

In addition to her work at the synagogue and her job as a community liaison to the English children’s charity Kindu Trust, Tekeba is also balancing the demands of her family in a society where female leadership is rare.

“I’m a mother and a wife, but I don’t have time to care for my kids and husband,” she said. “It’s also hard to manage people when you’re female. It’s very unusual, and sometimes I’m afraid [to manage them].”

“Sometimes people make conflicts, but she makes peace,” said Gashaw Abinet, a cantor who works closely with Tekeba. “She works hard to get what’s necessary for people.”

Tekeba is serving her second two-year term as the head of the community. Previously, she also served as a secretary under the North American Conference on Ethiopian Jewry. NACOEJ provided assistance to the Ethiopian Jewish community in Gondar from 1982 to 2011.

Though she is excited to go to Israel after 17 years in Gondar, there will be some bittersweet moments leaving the place she’s worked so hard to rebuild after the Jewish Agency withdrawal. “I will miss everything about this synagogue,” she said, “especially the prayers, praying all together.”

Gashaw Abinet, 29, with his two-and-a-half-year-old son, Alieazar, on April 26, 2016 at their home in Gondar, which is just steps away from the HaTikva synagogue where he is a cantor. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

Gashaw Abinet, 29, cantor, Gondar

It was the language of the Jewish Agency withdrawal in 2013 that made Gashaw Abinet, one of the cantors of the Jewish community in Gondar, the angriest. “How could they say there’s no more Jews in Ethiopia?” he asked. “They know us! Asher [Fentahun Seyoum, the former Jewish Agency emissary to Ethiopia] knows me. I was a hazzan, I was a Judaism teacher when he was here.”

Abinet thinks he was not on the lists for aliyah because his mother was raised by a Jewish stepmother, but his biological grandmother may have been Christian, though the family is not sure. His mother’s stepsisters, who feel like sisters to her, are in Israel.

Abinet serves as an unofficial tour guide for many visitors, since he has excellent Hebrew and English and lives just steps from the synagogue with his wife, Adanech, and two-and-a-half-year-old son, Alieazar.

“We’re continuing to explain to all the tourists who want to hear our story, and I want to tell them our story,” he said. “It was a sad story but because of these people we are succeeding,” Abinet said, citing MKs Neguise and Amsalem, the Jewish Agency’s Rabbi Menachem Waldman, and strong local leadership. “Soon, aliyah will start, and this is so exciting.”

As for those who are stalling the process of Ethiopian aliyah, Abinet hopes they will soon change their mind. “We are all the nation of Israel… Now with God’s help this is the time to return to Israel, and they can’t stop the nation of Israel from bringing us together. I know that God made a miracle for the Jews in Egypt, now he should do it for us as well.”

Simegnew Yosef Naga, 34, holds up a photo of his grandmother, who lives in Ramle, in his home in Gondar on April 15, 2016. (Melanie Lidman/Times of Israel)

Simegnew Yosef Naga, 34, cantor, Gondar

“I see the pictures in Israel [of Ethiopian Israelis protesting], and they’re holding up our pictures,” said Simegnew Yosef Naga, 34, who has been waiting in Gondar to make aliyah to Israel for 18 years. On the mud wall of his rented home in Gondar, where he lives with his wife, Tigest (Patience) Kasi Tagenyi, 26, and their three children, he hangs a photo of his grandmother, Yerumnesh Werku, who moved to Israel in 2001.

“She’s 90 years old now,” said Naga, who also has an uncle in Israel with nephews and nieces that he’s never met. “We’re only in touch by phone. I hope to see her before she dies.”

Naga says his mother, who is still living in Gondar, is Jewish, but his father is not, and he blames corruption for the reason he’s still in Ethiopia. His wife is Jewish from her father’s side.

Naga serves as one of the HaTikvah community’s five hazzans (cantors), an elected position he’s held for the past 15 months. When he’s not leading services from the bima for the twice-daily minyan or Shabbat, he patrols the kids section with an official stride, shushing all chatter with nothing more than a stern look and a “shh!”

Naga learned Hebrew from the Jewish Agency’s Jewish school, and has taught himself conversational Hebrew. When he strolls down the street in Gondar, everyone knows who he is, from the young schoolgirls to the older shopkeepers. But still, Naga takes care to remove his kippah when he leaves the synagogue grounds.

“In Ethiopia, it’s really hard for Jews,” he said. “In the villages, people called us ‘falasha’ [the derogatory word for Jews].”

“In this whole world we are all one, it doesn’t matter if you’re Muslim, Jewish, Christian,” he said. “But in Genesis, the Jews were the ones who got the Torah.” This same promise means that the Jews belong in Israel, he said. “With God’s help, whoever has family should go [to Israel]. Others wait until God only knows when. But we believe that within five years we’ll be there, too.”

Alementu Lake, 25, a drink seller who lives near the center of Gondar, with her two-year-old daughter, Habtam, who had just woken up from a nap, on April 15, 2016. (Melanie Lidman/Times of Israel)

Alementu Lake, 25, drink seller, Gondar

Alementu Lake barely remembers her village in the Gojam region of Ethiopia, more than a day’s journey from Gondar. For the past 18 years, she has lived next to Gondar’s central piazza, an urban neighborhood that is a riot of sounds and colors, horse-drawn carts bringing vegetables and jerry cans down dirt streets. The mud houses are painted bright colors, and children dart from open doorways into the street, weaving between horses and motorcycle tuktuks and minibuses.

Her two brothers and sister moved to Israel three years ago, and are still living in an absorption center. “It’s politics, I try not to think about it,” she said of the government decisions that have left her behind in Gondar.

Lake runs a small drink business from her home, selling cold Cokes and Sprites. She is married with two children, though her husband is not Jewish, and she thinks perhaps that is the reason her family was not on the lists for aliyah.

“The Jewish Agency said that everyone who has family will get there,” she said. “Aliyah needs to happen. There are people in Gondar for 10, 20, 26 years. We’ve been waiting and now it’s time for us to make aliyah.”

Eighteen-year-old Almenesh Ytagew, in the midst of cleaning for Passover at the Gondar synagogue on April 21, 2016, dreams of serving in the Israeli army when she makes aliyah. (Melanie Lidman/Times of Israel)

Almenesh Ytagew, 18, student, Gondar

Alemnesh Ytagew, 18, is anxious to get to Israel as soon as possible so she can serve in the army. “In Israel, I want to go to ulpan [Hebrew language classes], and then go into the army in order to protect Israel,” she said. After her army service, she hopes to become a teacher, and would like to teach Judaic subjects in public school.

Ytagew has lived in Gondar for nine years with her mother, grandmother and two sisters. Her father died a number of years ago. She is from the village of Singisam, in Gojam region. Other family members from Singisam gave up after a period in Gondar, and returned to the village.

“It was hard for them in Gondar. They had no money, they were here for a short time but went back,” she said. Jews were already in the lower class in Ethiopia because they could not own land. When the Jews left their villages and moved to Gondar to await aliyah, many struggled to make ends meet among higher rents and few options for work. Leaving the villages also meant the intricate social networks that supported them collapsed in the urban environment.

It’s unclear how many Jewish Ethiopians are still in villages in the Gojam region, though their distance from Gondar and lack of participation in the Jewish community may render them unable to make aliyah in the current wave of 9,000.

In the meantime,Ytagew is waiting. “They said that hopefully we will come soon,” she said. “I came with other people from the village who have made aliyah. So why not us?”

Tigabu Worku, 27, in the youth group meeting room of the Addis Ababa synagogue on May 6, 2016. (Melanie Lidman/Times of Israel)

Tigabu Worku, 27, cantor, Addis Ababa

When Tigabu Worku, the cantor of the Addis Ababa population, leads the community in song, he closes his eyes and his whole body sways, taken over by the music. Over the past years, with the help of YouTube and visiting Israeli volunteers, he has taught the community dozens of songs, both in Amharic and Hebrew. He spends hours scouring YouTube for Hebrew songs whose message speaks to a community yearning for Israel. He likes everyone from Ashkenzi Haredi singers to Sarit Hadad, with a special affinity for Eyal Golan’s “Mi Shemaamin Lo Mifached” (“Whoever believes will not be afraid”).

The youth group loves to sing and meets before services to sing as they wait for the community to gather for Kabbalat Shabbat. As the thunder rolls across Addis Ababa, bringing a much-needed downpour, the rain pounding on the tin roof provides natural syncopation to the familiar Hebrew melodies. But Worku hopes that the songs about Israel and faith and God’s compassion for the Nation of Israel will soon be more than just hopeful words.

“I read that Jews are happy to help Jews, that Jews live for Jews,” said Worku. “So what about us? We are bleeding here.”

“They in Israel know we’re Jewish, but they don’t take me. My grandmother and grandfather are there – it’s nonsense. What does Jewish mean, if you’re only going to leave us here? Is it because we’re black? Who created us? We didn’t choose black or white. God created us, and if they believe in God they have to respect the creation of God – all of God’s creations.”

Samuel Araya, 32, with his motorcycle taxi in Gondar. Having only recently discovered his Judaism, he is worried people think he is trying to take advantage of aliyah to Israel, and he is struggling to find proof of his mother’s Judaism. (Miriam Alster/Flash 90)

Samuel Araya, 32, motorcycle taxi driver, Gondar

“The problem is that I don’t have any evidence that I’m Jewish,” said Samuel Araya, 32, who drives a three-wheeled motorcycle taxi in Gondar. Araya’s family history is complicated. He said his mother was a secret mistress to his father, who had a separate family. Araya’s mother died when he was a baby, and his father arranged for him to live with a neighbor in Gondar, but had little contact with him. Araya did not have a good relationship with his stepmother and left home at age 12, living on the streets and doing whatever odd jobs he could do to survive.

“When I was 14, a guy from my mother’s home talked to me and told me lots of things about my real mother, and that she’s Jewish,” said Araya. “I tried to verify things about my real mother with my father many times, but he said he has another family and he’s not interested. He said if they knew about me – both that I was his son and also about the Judaism – it would be very bad.”

Without proof of Judaism, Araya knows his chances of making it to Israel are slim. He has not registered with the Jewish Agency, meaning he is not on the list of 9,000 Jews approved to make aliyah. He hopes to locate his birth mother’s grave, to see if perhaps it is in a Jewish cemetery or has other markings that show her religion.

In a country with no birth or death certificates, proof of Judaism can be difficult to obtain. And as extended families and out-of-wedlock children further complicate matters, the challenge of sorting through who is Jewish is even more difficult.

“I am always feeling in my heart that I’m a Jew,” said Araya. But since he only started attending synagogue two years ago, he also knows that people are suspicious of his motives. “If I go to the synagogue, since I’m shy, in my mind I’m worried that most people think that I’m going to synagogue just because I’m trying to go to Israel.”

Slowly, he said, as he gets to know members of the Jewish community, he’s starting to feel more accepted, though often he prays at home instead of the synagogue because he feels closer to the religion by himself. “If you’re a Jewish person, they expect you to go to synagogue,” he said.

Araya was raised as an Ethiopian Orthodox Christian and taught that “Falasha” or Jews were evil and dirty. Now, his motorcycle taxi is decorated with Israeli flags, a fact that often brings unwanted attention when he is in the majority-Muslim marketplace. He wears shirts emblazoned with the flag as well.

“One hundred percent definitely I will go to Israel,” said Araya. “This is God’s promise to me. I just don’t know how He’ll do it.”

Ermias Gebrie, 17, in one of the Gondar synagogue classrooms on April 25, 2016. Gebrie has been the Bnei Akiva leader in Gondar for the past six months. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

Ermias Gebrie, 17, Bnei Akiva leader, Gondar

The hour before the Bnei Akiva kids perform “Ehad Mi Yodea” (“Who knows one?”) before 3,000 community members at the annual Passover seder, Ermias Gebrie is jumping up and down in the back room, trying to get the youth excited. “Sing loud! Do the hand motions! Smile!” A dozen members of the youth group are wearing the blue-laced white Israeli Bnei Akiva shirts, helping to arrange the 50 children in lines and assisting with the hand motions.

Gebrie is the new leader for Bnei Akiva, and he takes his position seriously.

“We work hard,” he said. “When our chanichim go to Israel, we know it will be hard, but they can say, ‘I’m going to go to Bnei Akiva,’ and maybe it will be less hard.”

When everything in Israel is strange and new, there will still be vestiges of home, words like “chanichim,” “madrichim,” or the same Bnei Akiva shirt, he said.

“If I go to another place it will change me, but the goal of Bnei Akiva is to prepare for going to Israel so we will be together and succeed in our lives in Israel,” he said.

Gebrie has been overseeing Gondar’s Bnei Akiva for the past six months. He has 180 “chanichim,” or participants, and 10 “madrichim,” or counselors, who are between the ages of 15-19.

While Bnei Akiva Israel hasn’t yet sent financial support, they have sent volunteers from Israel to help Gebrie get the youth group off the ground and troubleshoot the challenges of starting a group for teenagers.

Gebrie thinks his family was left off the list for aliyah because they cannot count seven generations of matrilineal Judaism. His mother is Jewish, but his mother’s father is not Jewish. The family recently located estranged cousins in Kiryat Shmona, through the help of an Israeli Bnei Akiva volunteer, so are hoping that filing papers in Israel for family reunification will help speed up their aliyah process.

“We meet Tuesday and Thursday, and we have a really good connection,” said Gebrie. “On Shabbat and on Sunday, we teach the kids. We have Bnei Akiva shirts. We helped the kids prepare for Pesach. We do their classes as best we can, using what’s in the library. We work hard.”

Atenkut Setataw (right), with his wife Alesa Netere (left) and a neighbor hosting a coffee ceremony for visitors outside of their home in Gondar. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)

Atenkut Setataw, 25, teacher and cantor

Atenkut Setataw is one of those millennials addicted to Whatsapp. In between directing the successful operation to hand bake 50,000 pieces of matzah before Passover or leading daily services, he’s constantly hovering over the device, sending messages and pictures back and forth. But the Whatsapp messages are not just chatter with local friends — it’s his only connection to his family.

Setataw’s mother died in childbirth, and he was raised by his aunt and uncle, who he considers to be like his parents. But his aunt and uncle moved to Israel nine years ago, leaving a teenage Setataw, and Setataw’s older brother, behind in Ethiopia. Because Setataw and his brother are not part of his uncle’s biological immediate family, he was not approved for aliyah with the rest of his cousins.

“Now we meet on Whatsapp,” he said. Setataw’s quick grasp of Hebrew while studying at the NACOEJ school in Gondar made him a natural hazzan (cantor), and he has also taught Judaism classes at school and the synagogue.

The distance from his family has proved challenging, especially when Setataw wanted to get married. Traditionally, marriages in many of the Jewish families in Gondar are arranged or approved by the bride and groom’s families. All of Setataw’s family was in Israel, except for his older brother and grandfather. Setataw’s uncle, acting in the role of father, ended up approving the marriage by phone from his home in Jerusalem. Last year, Setataw married Alesa Netere, 20.

Netere also has family in Israel, an aunt and uncle. “Alesa’s uncle, her mother’s brother, went to Sudan 34 years ago and then to Israel,” said Setataw. “A few years ago, he called Alesa’s mother and said ‘we thought you died because you haven’t been in touch for so long!’”

Now, with the help of technology, the families are in regular contact. But Setataw says it is not enough. “We’ve been waiting such a long time,” he said. “Hopefully with God’s help, this year, we’ll go to Israel and we’ll all be there together.”

Mulu Lagese, 74, in her rental home in Gondar, Ethiopia, on April 24, 2016. Lagese is likely suffering from a goiter, which is linked to a lack of iodine. (Miriam Alster/Flash 90)

Mulu Lagese, 74, grandmother, Gondar

After 74 years in Ethiopia, Mulu Lagese knows that moving to Israel will be a big shock to everything that she knows. Still, she holds out hope that after 18 years of living in a rented mud-walled shack in Gondar, she will be able to join her nieces and nephews in Israel.

Her husband died waiting to make aliyah, and she hopes she and her two grown children will also get the chance to see Jerusalem. She shares the courtyard with other Jewish families waiting to move to Israel, drying hot peppers in the sun that give Ethiopian food its special kick.

“I miss my family,” she said, simply. “I want to go to Israel.

“We are aware of Kenyans falsely registering as refugees in order to get free services and food” – UN refugee agency spokesman

Refugees wait to undergo a documentation process at Dadaab airstrip on June 16, 2016 as they prepare to be voluntary repatriated. PHOTO | JEFF ANGOTE | NATION MEDIA GROUP

Source: Daily Nation, Nairobi

In Summary

NEW YORK/UNITED NATIONS

The United Nations on Monday launched a “verification exercise” to determine how many residents of the Dadaab complex are actually Kenya citizens posing as Somali refugees.

“We are aware of Kenyans falsely registering as refugees in order to get free services and food,” UN refugee agency spokesman Duke Mwancha told theNation.

The UN currently has no estimate of the size of this segment of Dadaab’s population of 340,000.

But Mr Mwancha says his agency is aiming to specify within two months the number of Kenyans living in the camps under false pretences.

This effort to compile a “clean register” is part of a recent agreement involving the UN and the governments of Kenya and Somalia to facilitate the return of 150,000 Somalis to their homeland by the end of the year.

The three parties have also agreed that refugees from countries other than Somalia will be moved from Dadaab to the Kakuma camps.

About 16,000 refugees — mainly from Ethiopia — are expected to make that 1,200-kilometre journey from Garissa County to Turkana County.

Some Somalis have recently left Dadaab under circumstances that may not qualify as voluntary, says Ben Rawlence, author of a recently published book describing the lives of nine residents of the complex.

‘ATMOSPHERE OF HOSTILITY’

Contacts in Dadaab have informed him, Mr Rawlence relates, that “people are going now, apparently, because of threats and the prevailing atmosphere of hostility.”

The Kenyan government has pledged it will not violate its international obligations by forcing any refugees to leave the country.

None of the nine Somalis highlighted in Mr Rawlence’s book, City of Thorns, have left Dadaab, he told the Nation.

“They’re in the camps for a reason,” he said. “Somalia is not safe, especially not for women.”

Mr Mwancha said the UN has received no reports of refugees being forced back to Somalia from Dadaab.

The refugee agency spokesman added that he is not aware of what Mr Rawlence describes as “a desperate rush” by some Somalis in Dadaab to obtain false Kenya identity cards.

Mr Rawlence and other advocates for the refugees predict it will prove impossible to repatriate 150,000 Somalis by the end of the year without resorting to mass human rights violations.

“How are they going to get people onto buses who don’t want to go?” Mr Rawlence asks in regard to Kenyan and UN authorities.

“The only way to essentially halve the population of Dadaab is by doing it illegally.”

The UN refugee agency spokesman notes, in turn, that the goal of 150,000 returnees this year is “just a prospective figure.”

While “it is in the interest of the government of Kenya to have as people as possible return to Somalia,” the target number set in a joint communique issued last month may not be reached, Mr Mwancha says.

The UN points out that the number of Somali refugees known to be living in Kenya has dropped in the past five years from 519,000 to 413,000.

The roughly 100,000 who have left Kenya since 2011 are “believed to have spontaneously returned to Somalia,” the UN says.

A total of 16,524 Somalis have been formally assisted by the UN in returning to Somalia from Dadaab during the past 18 months.

Of that total, 10,413 have gone to Somalia during the first six months of this year, Mr Mwancha reports.

But the full tally of returnees for 2016 is still likely to fall well short of the UN goal of 150,000 for this year.

Funding for accelerated repatriation of Somalis is also not close to meeting pledged amounts.

Donors said last year they would give $110 million to help expedite repatriation, but as of June only $7.2 million had been allocated.

Note: This article is being widely distributed by the TPLF associate media outlets

(SBO/VOL – Adoolessa 05,2016) Adoolessa 4,2016 Godina Lixa Shaggar Magaalaa Amboo Keessatti Waraana Poolisii Federalaa Dhalootaan Oromoo Ta’anii fi kanneen Ergamtoota wayyaanee Ta’aan Gidduutti Wal haleellaan dhalachuun gabaafame!

Humni Poolisii Federaalaa fi Waraanii Agaazii lakkoofsaan heddumina qaban magaalaa Amboo irra qubsiifamuun ummata Oromoo shororkeessuun kan beekaamanii dha.

Poolisoota Federaalaa Wayyaanee fi ilmaan Oromoo achi keessatti argamaan waliin walitti bu’insii guddaan dhalachuun sabboontootni Poolisootni Oromoo ta’anii fi kanneen ergamtuu wayyaanee ta’an waliin dhukaasaa wal irratti bananiiru. Dhukaasa kanaanis poolisootni ergamtuu wayyaanee lamaa ol kan ajjeefaman yoo ta’u, Poolisoota dhalootaan Oromoo ta’an keessaa tokko wareegamuun ibsameera. Poolisootni hedduun madeeffamuun du’aa fi jireenya gidduutti akka argamanis ibsameera.

Yakki Waraanaa Uummata Oromoo ummata sivilii irratti gaggeeffamaa jiraachuu irra waraanaa fi poolisoota sirnicha keessatti walii isaanii gidduutti wal shakkii guddaan dhalachuun afaan qawwee walitti naanneessanii wal haleeluun kan eegalamee jiru ta’uun hubatamera.

Poolisiin Federaalaa dhalootaan Affaar ta’e tokkos poolisoota ajjeechaaf barbaadu barbaadee waan dhabeef haadha manaa isaatti dhukaasuun haalaan madooftee hospitaala jiraachuu maddeen gabaasaaniiru.

Poolisoota dhukaasa wal irratti bananiin kanneen wareegaman keessaa

1. Poolisii Tasfaayee Bahaaruu dhalootaan Oromoo, Bakki Dhaloota isaa Baalee, Agaarfaa ta’uun mirkanaa’era.

2.Poolisiin 2ffaan kan ajjeefame dhalootaan uummata kibbaa Sidaamaa yoo ta’uu, yeroof maqaa isaa hin beekamne.

3.Poolisootni wayyaanee dhalootaan Tigree ta’an lamaa olitti lakka’aman kanneen dhukaasa poolisoota Oromoo waliin wal irratti bananiin ajjeefaman yeroof maqaan isaanii kan gargar hin baane ta’uunis ibsamera. Poolisootni hedduun kanneen madeeffaman jiraachuun ibsamera.

Haaluma kanaan magaalaan Amboo caalmaatti gara Dirree waraanaatti jijjiiramtee jiraachuun raafama guddaa keessa galtee kan jirtu ta’uun hubatamera.

 Gal’ad residents say they are in shock and fear over a possible battle between the retreating allied forces and Al-Shabaab fighters who are now in charge of the city.

(Shabelle) — Heavily armed Al-Shabaab militants have retaken Gal’ad town in Galgadud region of central Somalia after AMISOM troops retreated in the earlier hours on Monday morning

Ethiopian forces of AMISOM contingent moved out at midday and the local administration and all other Somali security forces left a few minutes later, according to the residents.

Following AU, SNA retreat, hundreds of Gun-toting Al Shabaab fighters have peacefully gained full control of the town and hoisted their black flag over the Gal’ad police station and administrative offices.

Local residents say they are in shock and fear over possible battle between the retreating allied forces and Al Shabaab fighters who are now in charge of the city.

The loss of Gal’ad is a major setback for AMISOM and SNA troops who are waging a decade-long fight against the Somalia-based Al Qaeda-linked Al Shabaab fighters.

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ Agazi soldiers, all in red hat, deployed throughout Shashamanne city today, according to reports coming in. Tensions running high between them and the general public. The soldiers trying to terrorize the youth, whom they target if seen in groups of two or more. What’s going on in Shashanmane indeed needs to be closely observed and monitored.

“Magaalli Shaashamannee guyyaa har’aa yeroo kamiiyyuu caalaa Agaazii warra qoobii Diimaatiin weeraramtee jirti. Ummanni Garuu yaalii mootummaan isa shororkeessuuf taasisaa turee fi jiruuf utuu bakka hin kennin sodaa tokko malee socho’aa jira. dargaggoonni lamaa fi sanaa ol. ta’anii yoo deeman doorsisni cimaan wayta halkanii agaazota irraa isaan mudataa jira. Ajjeechaan duguuggaa sanyii kan mootummaan qindaahe erga oromoota magaalattii irratti raawwatamee booda ummanni xiiqiidhaan mootummaa irratti ilkaan ciniinnatee gaarrifataa kan jiru ta’uusaa waan bareef murni tplf kan Abbaay Tsahaayyeetiin durfamu ummata shaashamannee irratti xiyyeeffatee hojjataa jira. kuni ajjeechaa oromoota irratti torban darbe raawwate kan qindeesses kan durses mootummaa ta’uusaa ifaan ifatti kan mul’isuudha.
Chat Conversation End”

Heavy flood has hit Adama overnight causing damage to propert, several people have been injured. Report of death but not confirmed.
===============
Halkan edaa magaalaan Adaamaa balaa lolaa hamaan miidhamtee bulte. Qabeenyi hedduun barbadaayaee nommiinni qaamaan miidhamnis jiru. Namni du’e jira jedhama garuu hanga ammaa hin mirkaneeffanne.

Adoolessa 5, 2016 – “Injiinerri maqaan isaa ABARRAA jedhamu, daandii cirrachaa ( ‘Yuuraappii’) Naqamtee-Buree hojjetu tokko magaalaa Guttin (kan Naqamte irraa gara Kaaba-Bahaatti aanaa Giddaa Ayyaanaa jalatti argamtu)tti kutaa ciisichaa hoteela Zambaabaa guyyaa dheengaddaa jechuunis Dilbata Caamsaa 26, 2008 A.L.I qabatee buluuf ture keessatti qaama ammaaf hin beekamneen ajjeefamee eda (Wixata) halkan sa’aatii 2tti argamuun gara hospitaala Giddaatti geeffameera. Dhimmi gaaffii ijoo ta’u [Guyyaa guutuu akkamiin utuu hin argamiin oolee halkan hiriyoota isaan argame?]. Foddaan mana inni keessa ciisee ture sanaas cabeera jedhu. Hoteela kana dabalatee Hoteelota biroo muraasa Guttin keessatti argamanitti yeroo garaagaraa lubbuun namaa darbee ukkaamsamee hafa. (Yaadachiisa; Hospitaalli Giddaa Ayyaanaa kun armaan dura dhugaa barataa Lammii( Yohaannis) Baayisaa Qanaatee kan ergamtuun wayyaanee aanaa Kiiramuu magaalaa Haarootti ajjeeste dhoksuuf kaabinoota Kiiramuu waliin shiruun, boodarra sabboontonni ilmaan Oromoo amansiisanis, reeffa kabajaan boqochuu male si’a lamaaf deddeebisuun isaa ni yaadatama)”

በአዲስ አበባ በወረዳ 1 ከቤት ማፍረስ ጋር በተያያዘ ሜዳ ላይ የተጣሉ ዜጎችን ህይወት የሚያሳዩ ፎቶግራፎች በከፊል
These are the victims of illegal eviction from their homes in Lagatafo

ከኦሮሚያ ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ጋር በተያያዘ የታሰሩት ዜጎች ቁጥር 50ሺህ እንደሚደርስ ዶ/ር መረራ አስታወቁ

 

Wikileaks has released thousands of Hillary Clinton emails on July 5, 2016. Here are six important emails we found that specifically talk about Ethiopia.

Hillary Clinton Email Archive

(Wikileaks) — On March 16, 2016 WikiLeaks launched a searchable archive for 30,322 emails & email attachments sent to and from Hillary Clinton’s private email server while she was Secretary of State. The 50,547 pages of documents span from 30 June 2010 to 12 August 2014. 7,570 of the documents were sent by Hillary Clinton. The emails were made available in the form of thousands of PDFs by the US State Department as a result of a Freedom of Information Act request. The final PDFs were made available on February 29, 2016.

6 Hillary Clinton emails about Ethiopia were printed below

Email 1 

MELES

From: Wendy Sherman
To: Hillary Clinton
Date: 2012-08-20 00:14
Subject: MELES

UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05791778 Date: 11/30/2015

RELEASE IN FULL

From: Sherman, Wendy R <ShermanWR@state.gov >
Sent: Tuesday, August 21, 2012 12:14 PM
To:

Cc: Mills, Cheryl D; Sullivan, Jacob J; Carson, Johnnie
Subject: Meles

Madam Secretary,

Further to our conversation, Meles’ political party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, will convene a party
council tomorrow to nominate a new PM and DPM. Hailemariam, the current acting PM will be the PM nominee. No
name yet for the DPM. Parliament , on break until October, is expected to be recalled into session to vote on the PM and DPM likely on Thursday or Friday of this week so there should be a smooth transition of government, even given that Meles’ loss is a very big one for Ethiopia, Africa and for all of us. The funeral is expected next week and the date will be decided tomorrow. A/S Carson believes that any successor will be more autocratic and authoritarian, less receptive to us and more ethnic tension is likely. Johnnie is working with Cheryl and Jake on message, call and funeral arrangements.

Best,

Wendy

Email 2

AF: (A/S Carson) — Weekend attack on Somali mosque believed work of ASJ — group is Ethiopia-supported and affiliated with

New York, July 5 (New Kerala) : The United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) announced that floods across Ethiopia have severely impacted the recovery processes, particularly for livestock-dependent families, following more than 18 months of dry spells and poor rainfall induced by an El Niño drought phenomenon.

Estimates rose significantly in June, as updated reports from the Ethiopias National Flood Task Force show that close to 690,000 people are now likely be affected, with over 320,000 estimated to be displaced, said the agency in a report.

These predictions may rise even further as these heavy rains come on the cusp of what some meteorological experts predict will be a significant La Nia episode usually accompanied by heavy rainfall starting as early as September 2016, added FAO.

Particularly affected are the livestock-dependent households, as well over 55,000 hectares of land, much of it pasture, has been flooded, and thousands of livestock have died due to flash floods and landslides, brought on by the long-awaited belg or spring season rains, in regions such as Somali, SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region), Oromia, Amhara and Afar.

Animal health is particularly at risk, and livestock experts have highlighted the crucial role of emergency on-the-ground health provisions such as vaccinations and treatments to prevent or mitigate the spread of disease in affected areas, noted FAO.

The UN agency has appealed for $3 million to continue animal health campaigns into September 2016 as compounded impact of both the El Nio-induced drought and the recent floods have eroded coping mechanisms among households.

In 2015, FAOs vaccination and treatment campaigns included more than 1.4 million livestock belonging to 77,118 households.

Recovery efforts severely hampered

FAO estimates that households that lost small ruminants may need at least two years to return to pre-drought levels, while cattle-owning households may require double the recovery time.

It also noted that low animal body conditions also resulted in diminished terms of trade. In Somali Region, animals previously bartered for two bags of grain were routinely sold for only one at the height of the crisis. Milk production is slowly rising, after falling dramatically in drought-prone and livestock-dependent regions such as Afar and Somali.

Above-normal levels of migration in search of pasture and water were also recorded.

Providing support to affected populations

Access to water for livestock through the rehabilitation of water points, many of which were severely affected by the drought has remained a priority for the UN agency.

These water points were a crucial lifeline for families during the long months of poor rainfall, said FAO while noting that rehabilitated water points in Afar region, north-eastern Ethiopia, reportedly, attracted pastoralists from as far as Somali Region in southern Ethiopia. So far, rehabilitated water points have benefited an estimated 125,480 livestock owned by 12,783 households.

The agency has also appealed for additional $2 million to rehabilitate water points and improve the drought resilience of communities.

FAO is also supporting the smallholder use of fast-growing forage planting seeds and materials, enhancing the nutrition and food security of more than 7,600 of the worst-affected households.

Furthermore, in collaboration with regional governments, it also provided supplementary feed along migratory routes, strengthening the survival chances of vulnerable herds.

The UN agency further said that aims to reach around 1.8 million vulnerable pastoralists, agro-pastoralists and small farmers in 2016. An estimated 654,000 households still require livestock interventions. Its total appeal for the livestock sector is $7.8 million.

The agencys total El Nio appeal of $50 million is currently 24 per cent funded, approximately $12 million has been raised so far.

FB: Eritrean Press — 05 July 2016 – Intelligent sources have reported that the separatist Tigray Liberation Front, the Ethiopian ruling party, dispatched a large-scale military to Djibouti, near the Eritrean port of Assab (Aseb).

The United States, which is informed of the soldiers movement, has chosen to ignore the latest TPLF activities in the North West of the Tadjourah district of Djibouti.

Ten days ago, the Tigray Liberation Front (TPLF) had made an effort to penetrate the Bure front near Assab and pushed back by Eritrean force after an hour of fighting near the two countries borders.

Three days before the Bure skirmish, TPLF had attempted to invade Eritrea in the central Tsorona front where it suffered a heavy defeat with over 200 of its soldiers killed and 300 wounded.

The TPLF uses of a third country to create a new war front has been informally approved by France, who has a military agreement with the former colony Djibouti, according to the intelligent source.

Texit Gears Up to Take on the Eritreans

05 July 2016 – The separatist Tigray Liberation Front as the name suggests to EXIT from the oldest and proud, independent African country, the Texit Dedebit leaders amazingly called on the help of the 103 million Ethiopians they want to ditch from, to defeat their “old Eritrean mentors”.

Harmeen Obbo Dajanee Xaafaa akka Ilma isaanii hingaafanne dhorkaman

Haadha Dajanee Xaafaa

(OMN) –Waraqaa Eenyummaa Sooramaan Mana Adabaa Seenanii Ilama Isaanii dubbisuu kan dhorkaman nama Umuriin ganna 85 Haati Obbo Dajanee Xaafaa Abbaan Murtii akka Isaan Waraqaa Eenyummaa qabaniin seenanii dubbisaniif ajaja dabarsus// Manni Adabaa Fudhachuu Diduun himame.

Haati Warraa Obbo Dajanee Xaafaa// Biyya ajaji Manni Murtii hin kabajamne Keessatti Maaliif akka Hidhamtoota gara Mana Murtiitti deddeebisaniif nuuf hin galuu jedhan.

Tibba Darbe abukaattoon Himatamtootaa dhittaa Mirga namoomaa Mana Hidhaa Qilinxoo keesatti Maamiloottan Isaanirra ga’aa jiru barreeffamaan erga Mana Murtiitti dhiheessaniin booda, Manni Murtii akka bulchinsi Mana adabaa deebii itti laatuuf kaleessatti beellamee ture.

Torbanuma darbe – Obbo Dajanee Xaafaa Himatamtoota galmee tokko jalatti himataman bakka bu’uun rakkoo Mana dukkanaa sana keessati isaanirra ga’aa jiru erga abbaa Murtiif himanii booda, Harmeen koo namni ganna 85 Mana Hidhaa seentee na dubbisuu hin dandeenyee, Karaa fagoo deemtee na ilaaluu dhuftee otuu na hin argin deemuun baayyee na gaddisiiseeraa jechuun abbaa Murti duratti himatani turan. Akkasumas Maatiin keenya dhaddacha seenanii Adeemsa Seeraa hordofuufillee isaani hayyamamaa hin jiru jechuun Mana Murti sanas ta’e, Bulchinsa Mana adabaa himatanii turan. Beellamni kaleessa tures, Manni adabaa sun akka isa kanaaf deebii laatuuf ture kan beellamame.

Bulchiinsi Mana Adabaa Qilinxoo Kaleessa isa kanatti deebii laatee Jira akka Aadde Assallafach Mulaatuu Jedhanitti. Mana Adabaa Qilinxoo keessa manni Dukkanaa hin jiruu. Dhiittaan Mirgaa isaan irratti raawataa jirus hin jiru jechuun barreeffamaan bulchinsi Mana Adabaa sub Obbo Abrahaan Mana Murtiif deebii deebisanii jedhan aadde Assallafach Mulaatuu. Manni Murtii akka Haati obbo Dajanee Xaafaa Waraqaa Eenyummaa Soorama ittin fudhataniin seenanii Ilma isaanii dubbisaniif ajaja dabarsee, bulchinsi Mana adabaa sunis ajaja sana erga fudhantaniin booda Har’a garuu Ilma koon arga jedhanii gammachuun Yoo walii wajjin Mana adabaa Deemnu Seerri nuun nu ajaju hin jiru jedhanii ol seensisuu didanii jedhu.

Dajaneen erga Hidhamee baatii Torba. Baatii kana guutuu keessatti si’a tokko Qofa Maa’ikelaawiitti dhaqanii ijaan arganii jedhu aadde Assallafach. Umuriin Isaanii deemeera. Ganna 85. Manni Murtiis kan ajaja dabarse fageenya isaan irraa dhufaniif Umurii isaani ilaalcha keessa galcheetu akka Aadde Assallafach Mulaatuu nuu himanitti. Hata’uutii garuu, Manni Adabaa ajaja Mana Murtiitiin geggeeffamaa akka hin jirre qofaa osoo hintaane, manuma Murtii sanayyuu kan achi ol ajaju Mana Adabaa sana hanga nutti fakkaatutti Itiyoophiyaa keessa ol aantummaan seeraa bakka dhabeeraa jedhan.

Mootummaan Itiyoophiyaa keessa seerri jira haa jedhu Malee Paartii aangoorra jiru sana Seerri bulchu hin jiruu jedhu aadda Assallafach. Achuma mana Adabaa sana keessatti Murtoo barbaadan itti murteessuu otuu danda’anii Maalif akka Hidhamtoota kana Mana Murtiitti deddeebisaa jiraniyyuu nuuf ifa mitii jedhu.

Murtiin Abbaa seeraa waan biraa dha. Gocha nuti Mana Adabaa Yoo geenyu arginu ammoo kan biraadha. Yoo balbala Mana Adabaa sana geenyu akka namaatti kan nu hin ilaalanii jedhan.
Nama gaaffii gaafannu hinqabnu.

Akka isaan jedhanitti qaamni walaba ta’e biyyatti keessa otuu jiraatee haala qabiyyee Mana Hidhaa sanaa seenanii daawwachuu danda’u. Garuu Hin jiru. Ol aantummaan Seeraa Jiraatee bakki itti himatanis hin jiru. Namooti kun harka isaanii keessa jiru waan ta’eef dararaa barbaadan irraan ga’anii mana Murtii duratti haaluu jedhu aadde Asallafach.

Akka Isaan Jedhanitti – Abaan Murtiiyyuu – Abbaa Alangaa Mootummaas ta’e, bulchinsa Mana adabaa Sana Sodaarraan kan ka’e ija jabaatee ol jedhee Ija keesa isaan hin ilaalu. Abbootiin murtii suniyyuu hidhaa keessa waan jiraniif isaaniinuu bilisummaa feesisaa jedhan.

Abdii Fiixeetiin.

Magaalaa Ambootti Polisoonni Fedaaraalaa wal ajjeesan

(OMN) — Wal-dhabdee humnoota waraanaa mootummaa Itoophiyaa Yuuniversiitii Amboo kaampaasii Awaaroo giddutti mudateen namoonni lama ajjeefamuu fi dubartiin tokko gar-malee midhamuun himame.
Rakkoon wal-dhabde kuni dhimmaa qoomoo irratti kan fulleefate tahuus maddeen keenya OMNtti himaniru.

Yuuniversiitii Amboo kaampaasii Awaarootti, humnoota waraanaa mootummaa Itoophiyaa gidduutti wal-dhabdee uumameen, loltoota sadiitti ajjeefame jechu dhaggeenye dhimmicha addaa baafachuuf carraaqqii taasisneen, ajajoonni lama akka ajjeefaman fi dubartiin tokkoos gar-malee miidhamte sadarkaa sodaachisarra akka jirtu keessaa beektonni dubbatan.

Wal-dhabde kuni, dhimma qoomoo irratti kan xiyyeefatee garaagarummaa yaada fi ilaalcha gidduu isaaniitti, yeroo garaagaraa arginu irra hubachu dandenyeera kan jedhaniis, jiraata naannoo sana keessaa nama nuyi dubbisne dha.

Namni kuni itti fufuun, haalli nageenya godina shawaa lixaa keessaas tahe guutummaa Oromiyaa keessaa jiru haalan hamaacha deema jira, qaamni maqaa mootummaan aangoo irraa jiruus, sabaa tufachuu fi dhagahu dhiisuu isaanii irra kan kahe, sabaa guddaa biyyitti kan tahan, sabaa Oromoo ogummaan amansiisu irra reebicha, hidhaa fi ajjeecha filannoo godhatee jira, kuni immoo jaarraa 21ffaa keessatti iddoo kan qabu miti jechuun dubbatu.

Dhuma irrattis namni kuni, wal-dhabdee loltoota kanneen giddutti mudaate babbal’achu ni mala jedhen yaada jedhu, maaliif isaa jedhufis loltoota kanneen giddutti olaantummaan kan keennameef jiru sabaa Tigrootatti, isaani immoo sabaa fi sab-lammiilee achi keessaa jiran tufachuu fi haaccucuu baay’isu, kuni immoo gaarii miti, dhimma gocha ajjeecha amma raawwatame kunis, tuffii isaanii ilmaan Oromoo irratti raawwatani irraa akka maddees dubbatani jiru.

Itichaa Guddataatiin.

GEOPOLITICS

Islamic civilization

By Andrew Korybko

(Katehon) — Add to it the Qatari soldiers that have already been present on the ground for a few years to “mediate” the border dispute with Djibouti, and the most important members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have unexpectedly converged in what many might think to be among one of the most unlikeliest of places. While it may have been difficult to foresee this happening, in hindsight it actually makes quite a lot of sense, and contrary to the conventional assessment that this is about Yemen, the argument can be made that it’s also just as much about Ethiopia as well. Unbeknownst to many, Qatar is the “ox driving the cart” in this case, and whether they like it or not, the rest of the GCC states will be reluctantly forced to follow its destabilizing lead if Doha decides to throw Ethiopia into chaos.

The research expands on the briefing first laid out by South Front and should be seen as a continuation of their original work. It begins by setting the context for what’s been going on along the Horn of Africa lately and how the GCC’s military advances fit into the larger context of recent history. The piece then investigates the levers of influence for how Qatar could destabilize Ethiopia as well as its radical ideological motivations for doing so. Finally, the article concludes with a scenario study of how Qatar could engineer an Unconventional War to bring down Africa’s next up-and-coming power.

The Crowded Coast

Geostrategy:

The Horn of Africa is one of the most geostrategic regions in the world due to its location along the Bab-el-Mandeb strait that connects the Gulf of Aden with the Red Sea. In a broader context, one can say that it’s one of two maritime chokepoints (the other being the Suez Canals) that link Europe with South, Southeast, and East Asia, and until the Northern Sea Route becomes operable sometime in the next decade, all sea-bound trade between the EU and these corners of Eurasia must transit through its narrow passage. As could be expected, this makes control over the strait a heightened prize for any power or combination thereof, and it’s not for naught that most Great Powers scrambled their navies to the region over the past decade ostensibly to “combat piracy”.

Come One, Come All:

What was really happening was that the US was trying to militarize the waterway under the auspices of countering “Somali pirates”, which it must be reminded, were bogeymen that were blown completely out of proportion by the Western mainstream media for premeditated geopolitical ends. The US wanted to create the conditions where the rest of the world would accept the continuous presence of its fleet operating in these strategic international waters, but precisely because their legal status, it meant that any other fleet could do the same thing on identical grounds, which is exactly what happened. While the UK and French navies were obviously there to support their American ‘big brother’, Russia, China, India, and Iran also sailed their ships there too, but for the purpose of both watching the West and symbolically showing that they won’t allow NATO to completely control this space.

The Strategic Illusion:

While the “pirate” hype has largely died down and the multilateral naval positioning over the Bab-el-Mandeb has markedly subsided since its frenzied height in the late 00s, the importance of the strait obviously hasn’t changed, and the American-initiated competition over its control merely took on another form and amphibiously migrated landward. The US joined its French partners in Djibouti by moving into Camp Lemonnier in 2001 (Paris never left the country after independence), thus giving it an on-land presence from which to project naval power if it chose to do so. It also opened up “anti-terror” facilities in Yemen during this time as well, but just like with the Djibouti base, these could also achieve the dual purpose of influencing the strait. With both of these power nodes already occupied by the US prior to the “anti-piracy race”, it might seem strange why America started such a game in the first place, but more than likely, it did so as a manifestation of the “exceptional” hubris of the Bush Administration that was also continued during the early reign of his successor.

Thus, while the non-NATO states may have felt they somehow lessened the US’ control over Bab-el-Mandeb by placing and then removing their navies from the Gul f of Aden, it was all just a carefully crafted illusion (one which hopefully resulted in the multipolar states acquiring some degree of useful information about the Western fleets). The US still retained its positions in Djibouti and Yemen, albeit without the ability to directly apply the same amount of force had its naval presence still been there in the same capacity, so nothing really changed in a simple strategic sense. That status of affairs would remain until the Yemeni Revolution finally succeeded in casting off the American- and Saudi-installed government in early 2015, which dramatically led to the US having to evacuate its military personnel from the country. For the first time since the end of the Cold War (when the Soviets had a naval base in Aden), the US didn’t’ fully control the Bab-el-Mandeb, and the strategic panic that this produced is partly why Saudi Arabia made the fateful and ill-planned decision to invade Yemen.

Bab-el-Mandeb And The War On Yemen:

The Saudis and their lackeys have succeeded in blockading the Yemeni coast and conquering Aden, thus returning most of the unipolar world’s control over their lost ‘real estate’ in this ultra-strategic region, but capitalizing on their unofficial casus belli to make sure that they can indefinitely retain control there, the GCC decided to ‘jump the pond’ to the Horn of Africa, hence its interactions with Eritrea and the contracting of Amara’s ‘services’. In a sense, Eritrea is envisioned as being the Gulf’s “back-up Yemen”, a friendly territory under its proxy influence from which punitive measures can be launched against the people of Yemen if they ever do succeed in once more nearly liberating the entirety of their country.

So long as Eritrea is under the GCC’s sway, then from a strategic-logistical standpoint, the Yemeni War of Independence will be all the much harder to win because the Saudis’ and their bloc have a ‘rear guard’ base almost directly abutting the country. The GCC’s actions in Eritrea can thus be seen as a type of “double insurance” in making sure that as many of the Yemenis remain under the Gulf boot for as long as possible, with such an unnecessary strategic consideration being seen as coming from a position of fear and weakness on their part, not strength. They fear the Yemeni militias so much that they’re preemptively creating this ‘rear guard’ supply and logistics facility in Eritrea “just in case” a counter-offensive one day manages to unsuspectingly cripple their occupying forces.

It’s appropriate at this juncture to take stock of all the international military forces currently present along the Horn of Africa. The Saudis and Emiratis now have a naval presence in Eritrea, and as South Front reported (and which was verified separately this summer), the UAE is also seeking to open a naval base in Berbera along the northern coast of Somalia in the breakaway Somaliland region. The US and France have an on-ground presence in Djibouti, but they’re also joined by the Japanese, which opened their first military base abroad since World War II in 2011 under the opportunistic ‘justification’ of “anti-piracy”. They might, however, soon be joined by China, if the rumors of Beijing eyeing the country for its first overseas base are true. China could of course call upon the convenient slogan of “anti-piracy” to justify any possible forthcoming presence, but no matter what its stated grounds for doing so are, such a base would serve the additional purpose of safeguarding the Chinese-financed Djibouti-Addis Ababa railroad to the fastest-growing economy in the world and the headquarter state of the African Union.

Gulf Interests Move Inland

Now’s a good time to elaborate more in-depth about the continental African interests that the Gulf States seek to pursue through their partnership with Eritrea. To be more specific, it’s better to look closely at Qatar’s geopolitical objectives in this case, since the tiny emirate ironically leads the regional pack in its preexisting involvement in East Africa.

Eritrean Backgrounder:

This coastal state is one of the world’s newest, having gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after fighting a three-decade-long war to achieve it. Peace came only after the government in Addis Ababa, at that time run by a military entity known as “The Derg”, was dissolved in 1987 and its leader Mengistu Haile Mariam was ousted in 1991 by a coalition of ethno-centric rebel groups. Due to the near-continuous fighting that took place on its territory, post-independence Eritrea was a wreck, but President Isais Afwerki helped to achieve stability and elevated living conditions, as attested to by journalist Andre Vltchek who visited a year ago. Nevertheless, the economy is in dire straits and Eritrea is largely isolated from the world community, partly due to the border disputes it has with all of its neighbors, and also because of successful Ethiopian lobbying against it. According to Ethiopia, Eritrea supports a variety of anti-government rebel groups and even has links to Al Shabaab in Somalia.

The Qatari Connection:

The last point is extremely contentious and has never fully been proven, although to clarify a bit, a Wikileaked US diplomatic cable quoted the Somalian President accusing Qatar in 2009 of using Eritrea as a financial conduit for Al Shabaab. Considering Doha’s support to other terrorist groups such as ISIL, this doesn’t seem implausible, and it might even be that rerouted Qatari funds channeled through Eritrea (which might have received a modest cut) could be to blame for why Ethiopia would allege that its nemesis was aiding terrorists.

No matter what shape it takes, Eritrea’s direct or indirect links to Al Shabaab are one of the reasons why the UNSC initiated an arms embargo on the country in 2009 that was just renewed last month. In this connection it’s relevant to remind one of Qatar’s role in the region, and it’s that it was asked to deploy “peacekeepers” along the Eritrean-Djibouti border by each of their governments in 2010 to assist in “mediating” their border dispute. One can cynically suggest that this provided nothing more than the perfect cover for Qatar to continue supporting Al Shabaab, which as was mentioned above, it had already been doing for some time. The reason Qatar supports this terrorist group is because it’s basically a regional franchise of ISIL, and a faction of Al Shabaab had just pledged allegiance to its Arab “brothers” late last month. These two groups pursue the same radical Islamic goals that Qatar has been patronizing for years through its sponsorship of the Muslim Brotherhood, and ISIL and Al Shabaab are pretty much the more visibly militant and globally notorious arm of the Brotherhood in this respect.

The Afro-Eurasian Caliphate:

To get a fuller grasp of why Qatar is promoting terrorism in East Africa, one should understand the macro-regional context of Doha’s ideological ambitions. The peninsular pipsqueak uses its financial largesse to flex power disproportionate to its tiny size, and it manifests this through support of a hodgepodge of ultra-extreme Islamic groups, all of which are classified as terrorists by Russia: the Muslim Brotherhood; the Taliban; ISIL in Syria, Iraq, Libya, and Sinai; and Boko Haram. Each of these terrorist groups is active in a certain geographic area, with the only ‘missing link’ being the southern vector, ergo the ideological/militant ‘necessity’ of Al Shabaab. Altogether, these terrorist organizations represent the ‘foot soldiers’ of a transnational caliphate project that Qatar and its US ally would like to see expand all throughout the central pivot of Afro-Eurasia, the “Greater Middle East” of Central Asia, the ‘conventional’ Mideast, North Africa, and East Africa. While its current prospects of success have dramatically dimmed ever since Russia’s anti-terrorist intervention in Syria, it still remains possible for Qatar and the US to actualize some aspects of this grand strategy in certain corners of their operational theater, which in this context is the Horn of Africa.

Double-Sided Chaos:

The introduction of “managed chaos” to the region via the Qatari-supported Al Shabaab terrorist group serves two main purposes. The first one is to pressure Ethiopia, which the US may feel more inclined to do if the country moves more solidly in a pro-Chinese direction in the future, and the second is to perversely use the presence of Al Shabaab to deepen its security relationship with Ethiopia by being the arsonist-firefighter that creates a problem and then ‘helps resolve’ it afterwards. It’s useful to recall that the US contracted Ethiopia to invade Somalia in 2006 in order to destroy the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), a precursor of Al Shabaab, which thus strengthened the partnership between the two. Also, by keeping Islamic terrorism alive in Somalia, to whatever extent it’s present at a given moment, the US can keep the ‘justification’ open for selectively intervening in the country with drone strikes or commando raids, thus entrenching its presence in the region and turning the criminal into the ‘cop’.

The Enemy Of My Enemy:

Rewinding the focus back to Eritrea, Asmara is passively tolerant of Qatar’s Al Shabaab patronage because it could supplement its grand strategic goal of destabilizing Ethiopia. To explain, Ethiopia has previously intervened in Somalia against Islamic terrorists before and subsequently occupied the country, and the idea that its forces could continue to do so again in the future, and thus be bunkered down in another potential quagmire and spread thin in critical (and rebellious-prone) interior regions, excites Eritrean strategists. Furthermore, as will be explained more fully in the third section, there’s the potential for Al Shabaab terrorists to become the “freedom fighter” figureheads for the Somali population in Ethiopia’s eastern provinces, formally the Somali Region but also known as Ogaden. Eritrea’s most important objective is to have ethno-centric regions inside of its former colonizer achieve independence in the same manner that it did – through prolonged and militant struggle against the central government – so that its rival can never be in a position to threaten it again (let alone exist in its current state). If the Somali region just so happens to be the spark needed to set the whole federal haystack alight, then so be it, as Asmara’s reckoning goes, whether its Qatari-supported terrorism that initiates the destructive domino effect that they expect or an indigenous ethno-centric uprising.

The Big Picture:

To bring everything together in a more simple understanding, Qatar has taken the lead in destabilizing the Horn of Africa out of ideological and unipolar-loyalty reasons, and it’s using its “legal” presence in Eritrea to facilitate this. The War on Yemen provided the other main GCC states of Saudi Arabia and the UAE with a ‘plausible justification’ for also ‘getting in on the action’, knowing just as well as Qatar does that Eritrea is a ‘double-hinged’ state that can be used to simultaneously project maritime and continental influence, with the latter case being against Ethiopia.

Concerning the GCC’s newest geopolitical target, it’s one of the world’s most promising emerging economies, and from a Gulf perspective, it could also be useful in satisfying their African-directed agricultural and construction-outsourcing needs. Placing their forces in Eritrea, Ethiopia’s arch-rival and hated foe, is designed to put pressure on the rising, albeit potentially unstable, continental power and thus make it more amenable to whatever their forthcoming grand interests may be. Also, by making Eritrea an integral part of their regional military architecture, the Gulf States are essentially declaring that any aggression against it would also endanger their own interests, thereby blanketing Asmara with a de-facto security guarantee and altering Addis Ababa’s perceived existing strategic balance of power (which it had earlier assumed was relatively even).

By itself and approached from a purely geopolitical standpoint, it’s theoretically possible for Saudi Arabia and the UAE to maintain this new status quo between Eritrea and Ethiopia (perhaps even exploit it and each of those two states to their own advantage if shrewd diplomacy is applied), but the presence of Qatar, the ‘loose cannon’, means that the entire arrangement is inherently unstable and subject to sudden change. Qatar has proven itself much more prone to impromptu outbursts of rhetorical rage than any of the other Gulf States, and its comparatively younger leader (only 35 years old) is much less versed in the art of statecraft than his peers. Being so hot-headed and already harboring an inferiority complex vis-à-vis his larger and more mature neighbors, Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani is inclined to give the full terrorist ‘go-ahead’ whenever he feels like it (or if he ‘thinks’ it would be of strategic use for him), meaning that a Qatari-sponsored Islamic destabilization of Ethiopia cannot at all be discounted, and must be astutely prepared for by the country’s authorities.

Towards The Unconventional War Scenario

GCC Support:

The final section of the research discusses the Unconventional War scenario that Qatar could help engineer alongside Eritrea and Al Shabaab (one of its ideological ‘children’, it could be argued) to throw Ethiopia into chaos. Once this process begins, Saudi Arabia and the UAE could be expected to assist Qatar and this scenario to some extent, knowing that Doha is much too tiny and inexperienced to ever fully control the larger developments that it helps to unleash (the “Arab Spring” Color Revolutions are a case in point), and they thus want to be in a position to gain as much self-benefit from what may turn out to be an irreversible course of events. Correspondingly, with these self-motivated interests in mind, they could act as force multipliers in their own way for advancing the chaos that Qatar created, thereby ushering in a chain reaction that could lend crucial and ultra-destructive force to the scenario that will be discussed.

Consequences:

The full consequences of Ethiopian chaos won’t be discussed in the scope of this article, but they can be assumed to have the risk of virally spreading through parts of the North and East African regions (since Ethiopia is of the latter but capable of influencing the former through its border with the rebellious Blue Nile state of Sudan), and would at the very least impact the country’s 95 million or so citizens to an undetermined extent (to say nothing of the transnational social implications). Also, with China’s economy becoming more dependent for growth on trade with Africa, any significant disruption in Ethiopia, Beijing’s prized partner nowadays, could directly ripple back to the East Asian giant and negatively affect it to a degree, all depending of course on the preexisting level of Chinese-Ethiopian trade. The higher that Ethiopia rises in terms of international significance (be it diplomatic, economic, military, etc.), the harder its fall could be and the further the aftershocks would travel across the globe, thus suggesting that the (US-advised) Qatari destabilization of Ethiopia could be timed to achieve maximum effect depending on its relationship to various actors (in this case, likely China) at the given moment.

Identity Cleavages:

The greatest and most imminent threat to Ethiopia lays in the sphere of ethno-separatism, the sentiment of which has continued to boil even after the Cold War-era civil war was brought to a close. Part of the reason for this is that Eritrea’s independence set a dangerous precedent for the militant representatives of the country’s disaffected ethnic groups, which it seems include just about every single one of them in some capacity or another (even the dominant Oromo and Amhara pluralities). The reason for this is that Ethiopia is a hyper-eclectic country with a wide array of identities within its federal structure, and in such a situation, it’s always difficult for any governing authority (let alone what some rebel groups allege is the present Tigrean-dominated one) to strike the perfect balance between each of them and leave everyone satisfied. This preexisting state of divisive affairs was utterly exacerbated by the Ethiopian Civil War that broke out against The Derg, where ethnic-affiliated rebel groups banded together in order to overthrow the central governing authority. The militant comradery that developed within each identity community as a result heightened the self-awareness that each of them felt about their differences and thus made a post-war federal structure the only realistic means of keeping the country together, especially after Eritrea’s successful secession in 1993.

The identity divide was so entrenched in Ethiopia after the civil war that the new federal units were formed around ethnic affiliation. Here’s a map of them as taken from Wikipedia:

The CIA World Factbook lists the ethnic proportions as being “Oromo 34.4%, Amhara (Amara) 27%, Somali (Somalie) 6.2%, Tigray (Tigrinya) 6.1%”, followed by a multitude of others that compose minimal percentages. Altogether, these four groups form a little less than three-quarters of Ethiopia’s population, mostly concentrated in a north-south belt stretching between Tigray, Amhara, western Oromia, and northeast Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region.

Adding another crucial demographic layer to Ethiopia is the percentage of Christians (Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant) and Muslims in the country, which is 62% to 33.9%, respectively, or almost 2:1. The following map demonstrates the geographic divide over religion and shows how this has a distinct overlap with certain federal units:

The Afar and Somalis are a very small minority of the population and by themselves cannot account for the 33.9% of Muslim adherents in Ethiopia, and as the above map indicates, many believers in this religion live intertwined with Christians in Oromia, the most populous region. By itself and with the absence of context, this isn’t anything particularly relevant to Ethiopia’s stability, but recalling how Qatar and its Saudi ally have been front and center in provoking a clash of civilizations through their support of Islamic terrorism, this demographic factor becomes perhaps one of the most important of all. Al Shabaab in Somalia is pretty much one of Qatar’s proxy creations, just as ISIL is, and its proximity and ethnic overlap with the Somali Region is a definite cause for concern.

Unconventional War:

The Basics

Taken together, a Qatari-orchestrated jihadist-separatist war emanating from the Somali Region could prove to be the catalyst that sets off a whole conflagration of nationwide conflict. This initial Unconventional War has a very real risk of occurring due to the doubly second-class status that Somalis feel they are afforded due to both their ethnicity and Muslim faith. Al Shabaab’s terrorist war in neighboring Somalia actually began as an Islamic-tinted national liberation movement in response to Ethiopia’s 2006 occupation, but it rapidly descended into the jihadist nightmare that lay at the core of its proponents’ true vision. Although it showed its true colors and most undoubtedly scared away many possible supporters that would have otherwise flocked to it for its originally marketed national liberation agenda, it still commands some indigenous support inside Somalia, thus raising the risk that it could also do the same amongst the Somali community in Ethiopia that might still consider itself occupied (or be led to think in such terms).

Carving Out The Caliphate

The concept here is that Qatar would use jihadism to radicalize separatist Somalis in getting them to become diehard supporters of the cause, holding out the carrot of a Greater Somalia if they’re successful. This irredentist dream would neatly overlap with Qatar’s own of creating a proxy caliphate in the Horn of Africa, but it also places limits on the primary geographic area of focus for its terrorist campaign. However, with the nature of terrorism inherently being that it knows no borders, it’s of course possible that attacks could take place in the densely populated and centrally positioned Oromia Region, which could have the effect of sharpening the Christian-Muslim divide in the area and prompting copy-cat and reprisal attacks. The destructive chain reaction that this might set off could only realistically be put to rest by a heavy-handed military response, albeit one which may scare investors right out of the country and lead to Western condemnation. In and of itself, whether or not the jihadist-separatist war succeeds in its stated goals, it would still accomplish what might have been the indirect (perhaps even actual) objective all along of weakening Ethiopia and possibly even China’s position in the continent depending on the degree of closeness and importance that Addis Ababa occupies for Beijing by that time (which is expected to be ever increasing).

Eritrea’s Strategy

Regardless of whether or not Qatar ever goes forward with the previously described scenario, that won’t in any way prevent Eritrea from continuing with its own, as it bases its national security on keeping the Ethiopian military distracted and divided through its support of ‘stand-alone’ and unified rebel movements so that it can’t ever solidly converge against the country. Eritrea would like to one day liberate the city of Badme that Ethiopia has refused to cede to its control after the Algiers Agreement ended their bloody and stalemated 1998-2000 war and a Hague border commission ruled that it’s Eritrean territory, and it might be using its support of various rebel groups as a means of pressuring Addis Ababa into acceding to its international legal obligation.

Eritrea’s Tactics

Asmara’s aspirations are to assist neighboring Tigray Region fighters in their quest for independence, mirroring Eritrea’s own, in order to create a buffer state that would insulate it from any future aggression from the rump Ethiopian state. At the same time, however, Eritrea also has ties with rebel groups operating deeper in the country, and if significant battlefield coordination can ever be maintained between Eritrea and the Oromo separatists (the ethnic group of which is the most populous and geographically central in the country), then it would go a very long way towards giving Asmara a lever with which it can trigger serious damage to Ethiopia’s national unity. Some Oromo might be attracted to the nationalist rhetoric coming from their militant-separatist counterparts that allege that the group is being exploited to support the minor peripheral ethnicities, and any visible “Tigrean-dominated government” crackdown on their civilian representatives might add credence to this belief. Eritrea might even ‘get lucky’ if the current tribal violence in South Sudan motivates a spillover effect into the neighboring Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region (home to 45 different ethnic groups) or Gambela Region that ‘naturally’ creates the state-fragmenting process that it and Qatar and looking to achieve for their own respective ends.

Doha’s Double-Crossing

On a final note, concerning any strategic Eritrean-Qatari collaboration in a future destabilization campaign against Ethiopia, the potential exists for Doha to stab its ‘ally’ in the back if its jihadist campaign is ‘too successful’. Eritrea might ironically be even more susceptible than Ethiopia is to an Islamic terrorist campaign because it has a similar proportion of Muslims that are also living in a similar economically challenging environment, and thus, might be ripe for ideological-religious manipulation under the ‘proper circumstances’. Additionally, the Muslim Afar living in the east partially represent Eritrea’s version of Ethiopia’s ethno-religious identity overlap that the latter has with the Somali Muslims, thus potentially leading to the same type of strategic vulnerabilities in this scenario. This factor could also be used by Qatar to manipulate Eritrea and keep its leadership in check, just in case the improbable happens and for whatever reason it decides to turn its back on its new patron.

On the flip side of things, so long as Asmara remains a loyal client of the Emir (which doesn’t seem set to change since it desperately needs the money and diplomatic support), it shouldn’t have anything to worry about. Eritrea is also much smaller than Ethiopia in both demographic and geographic terms, so it’s a lot easier for the state to exercise supervisory control over what’s going on and nip the jihadist process right in the bud before it fully blooms. However, as chaotic processes always prove themselves to be time after time again, once the genie is let out of the bottle, it’s impossible to stuff it back in, and even if Qatar doesn’t plan for it to happen, the jihad it unleashes in Ethiopia could also infect Eritrea in no time.

Concluding Thoughts

While it may not seem like it at first, the GCC’s military-logistical move into Eritrea is predicated just as much on influencing Ethiopia as it is about dominating Yemen. The Saudis and Emiratis may have just recently incorporated Eritrea into their coalition framework, but Qatar has been cultivating close ties with Asmara for the past 5 years as part of its “mediation” role in resolving the Djibouti border dispute, which incidentally saw it deploy 200 troops to the country. This means that the Muslim Brotherhood-espousing state is in a position to project its ideology throughout the region and intensify cooperation with its Al Shabaab proxy in nearby Somalia. The Saudis and Emiratis may initially be adverse to Qatar ‘rocking the boat’ in the region until after they’ve already tapped all of its economic benefit (which could take decades), but given Doha’s emotional- and ideological-driven foreign policy, it might do just that because it senses a ‘good opportunity’ here or there for furthering its self-interested geopolitical project.

In such circumstances, the GCC wouldn’t be able to indefinitely hold out the threat of Islamic-inspired terrorist destabilization as a means of blackmailing the world’s fastest-growing economy and one of Africa’s up-and-coming powers, but would have to reluctantly join in the Qatari-initiated unrest so as to secure whatever benefits they can while there’s still the ‘opportunity’ to do so. The ethnic, social, and religious cleavages already prevalent (and even overlapping in some cases) in Ethiopia provide more than enough domestic ‘gunpowder’ for a strategically placed spark to set the whole powder keg aflame, with the only fail-safe solution being for Addis Ababa to overwhelmingly respond with military force. Such a reaction might predictably scare away the investors that are needed to keep the ‘Ethiopian miracle’ alive, and the combination of capital outflow plus military suppression (no matter how justified it may seem) might further exacerbate the domestic differences in the country and place them in a perpetual process of worsening, up to the point of the country approaching the geopolitical abyss of dissolution along preexisting ethnic-federative lines.

Any disruption of Ethiopia’s stability could also be used as an indirect means of attacking Chinese interests in Africa, since Beijing has invested billions in helping the country rise and is expected to become increasingly dependent on its African economic partnerships in order to sustain its own growth at home. Large-scale unrest in Ethiopia could thus offset China’s plans for cooperating with the country on a high-level strategic basis, and it would thus lose not only a crucial marketplace for its goods or an attractive investment destination, but also its place in influencing the African Union right at its headquartered source in Addis Ababa. Therefore, many layers of intrigue blanket the possibility that Qatar may lead the GCC into a proxy confrontation with Ethiopia, be it out of its own regard or acting on behalf of American ‘advice’, which could see the Gulf using the country of Eritrea alongside Al Shabaab jihadists to dislodge China from its most important foothold in Africa.