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BBC Monitor, Africa: Ethiopian raw meat too hot for BBC reporter!

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Ethiopia and South Sudan in famine appeal

Emmanuel Igunza, BBC Africa, Addis Ababa

BBC

Ethiopia and South Sudan have jointly appealed for urgent international assistance to help at least 15 million of people facing starvation in the two countries.

Famine has been declared in parts of South Sudan while Ethiopia is facing yet another drought that has hit several countries in the East and Horn of Africa.

Speaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said countries in the region had agreed to share meagre resources in averting what he said was looming famine.

For his part, South Sudan’s president said his government would allow safe passage for humanitarian assistance to reach millions that are facing starvation.

Earlier this week the UN warned that the world needs to act quickly to avert further disaster in the world’s youngest nation.

The two countries also signed several agreements on border security, infrastructure and energy that will see Ethiopia selling electricity to South Sudan while exporting oil from their neighbour.


For sure Obama’s foreign policy was a failure. He will have questionable legacy in Syria, Ukraine and particularly in Africa the genocide of the Oromo people in Ethiopia. He praised the most brutal totalitarian regime on this planet as democracy and legitimized the tiny minority TPLF fascist thugs 100% wining the fake election drama.

He went there against the advice of the major policy advisors and US major news papers. By going to Ethiopia, the result is the encouragement of the ongoing genocide. He doesn’t even gave a try to talk to the opposition leaders there. Because they are from the majority Oromo population. He was in the pockets of Abyssinian conspiracy.History will judge him on this mysterious genocide episode of the Oromo people in the Horn of Africa. Via Ibsaa Nagawoo


Social media incitement condemned

Milton Nkosi, BBC Africa, Johannesburg

The South African president has appealed for calm ahead of the march by local residents against immigrants in townships around the capital Pretoria.

President Jacob Zuma strongly condemned the acts of violence and intimidation directed at African immigrants living in South Africa. In a statement Mr Zuma said he would be championing the fight against crime to promote safer and more stable communities.

Earlier this week angry mobs looted shops belonging to Somalis, Pakistanis and other migrants in townships around Pretoria and parts of south Johannesburg. Nigerian migrants have denied accusations that they are involved in prostitution rings and drug cartels.

The president also condemned the incitement of xenophobia on social media platforms. He said “the threats and counter-threats on social media must stop. All must exercise restraint, respect the laws of the land”.


Hundreds flee fighting in Kenya region

Patrick Kihara, BBC Monitoring, Nairobi

Hundreds of people have been forced to flee their homes due to increasing insecurity in the country’s Baringo County, about 217km (135 miles) northwest of the capital, Nairobi over the past few days.

Yesterday bandits attacked a government truck ferrying relief food to the area and two weeks ago a local elected official and a would-be MP were killed when gunmen attacked a bar.

Local leaders have asked President Uhuru Kenyatta to address the attacks which they say have resulted in the deaths of 10 people so far.

The area is home to two communities, the Pokot and Tugen, who have often clashed violently over pasture and water.

On 8 February a local official was quoted by the Star Newspaper saying “hundreds” of police officers from the country’s elite General Service Unit had been deployed to the region.

Private farms and conservancies in the neighbouring Laikipia county have also been experiencing armed incursions as pastoralists search for food and water for their livestock.

The county also borders Turkana county where in 2014 Pokot raiders ambushed a police convoy and killed 21 police officers.


Ethiopian raw meat too hot for BBC reporter!

Doctors warn that eating uncooked meat can have health implications, but raw meat is considered a delicious delicacy by many in Ethiopia.

See how the BBC’s Emmanuel Igunza enjoys the dish, which is popular to eat on weekends.

The post BBC Monitor, Africa: Ethiopian raw meat too hot for BBC reporter! appeared first on .


Feyisa Lilesa, Marathoner in Exile, Finds Refuge in Arizona

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Feyisa Lilesa, Marathoner in Exile, Finds Refuge in Arizona

By JERÉ LONGMAN

Feyisa Lilesa

Feyisa Lilesa, who has not been back to Ethiopia since his protest at the marathon finish in the Rio Olympics last August, on a training run in Sedona, Ariz., not far from his new home in Flagstaff.

FLAGSTAFF, Ariz. (The New York Times) — The young boy was getting reacquainted with his father after an absence of six months and climbed on him as if he were a tree. The boy kissed his father and hugged him and clambered onto his shoulders. Then, when a protest video streamed on television, the boy grabbed a stick, and the lid of a pot to serve as a shield, and began to mimic a dance of dissent in the living room.

There is much joy and relief, but also continued political complication, in the modest apartment of Feyisa Lilesa, the Ethiopian marathon runner who won a silver medal at the Rio Olympics and gained international attention when he crossed his arms above his head at the finish line in a defiant gesture against the East African nation’s repressive government.

Afraid to return home, fearing he would be jailed, killed or no longer allowed to travel, Lilesa, 27, remained in Brazil after the Summer Games, then came to the United States in early September. He has received a green card as a permanent resident in a category for individuals of extraordinary ability in the sciences, arts, education, business and sports.

On Valentine’s Day, his wife, Iftu Mulisa, 26; daughter, Soko, 5; and son, Sora, 3, were reunited with him, first in Miami and then in Flagstaff, where Lilesa is training at altitude for the London Marathon in April. Their immigrant visas are valid until July, but they also hope to receive green cards.

“I’m relieved and very happy that my family is with me,” Lilesa said, speaking through an interpreter. “But I chose to be in exile. Since I left the situation has gotten much, much worse. My people are living in hell, dying every day. It gives me no rest.”

Lilesa’s Olympic protest was against Ethiopia’s treatment of his ethnic group, the Oromo people, who compose about a third of the country’s population of 102 million but are dominated politically by the Tigray ethnic group.

Last month, Human Rights Watch reported that, in 2016, Ethiopian security forces “killed hundreds and detained tens of thousands” in the Oromia and Amhara regions; progressively curtailed basic rights during a state of emergency; and continued a “bloody crackdown against largely peaceful protesters” in disputes that have flared since November 2015 over land displacement, constitutional rights and political reform.

Feyisa Lilesa’s gesture as he finished second in the Olympic marathon was made to protest Ethiopia’s treatment of his ethnic group, the Oromo people. Olivier Morin/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

The Ethiopian government has said that Lilesa could return home safely and would be considered a hero, but he does not believe this. He lists reasons for his suspicions, and they are personal: His brother-in-law, Tokkuma Mulisa, who is in his early 20s, has been imprisoned for about a year and reportedly tortured, and his health remains uncertain. His younger brother, Aduna, also a runner, was beaten and detained by the Ethiopian military in October.

Aduna Lilesa, 22, said he was training in Burayu, outside the capital, Addis Ababa, on Oct. 16 when soldiers approached him. They hit him in the head with the butt of a rifle, kicked him and threatened to shoot him, he said, while demanding information about Feyisa.

Fearing for his life, a gun pointed at him, Aduna said he lied and told the soldiers what he thought they wanted to hear about his brother: “He is a terrorist; he is no good.”

Since the Olympics, Aduna said, his wife has been suspended from her job with Ethiopian government radio. He is living with Feyisa in Flagstaff until mid-March, when he will return home to his wife and young son. “It is not safe, but my family is there,” Aduna Lilesa said. “If I live here, they will be confused.”

Unease extends, too, to the Ethiopian running community.

When Feyisa Lilesa runs the London Marathon, one of his primary challengers figures to be Kenenisa Bekele, a three-time Olympic champion on the track and a fellow Oromo who is considered by many the greatest distance runner of all time. The two runners were never close and tension between them increased last September in Berlin, where Bekele ran the second-fastest marathon time ever.

Before that race, Bekele said in an interview with Canadian Running Magazine, speaking in English, which is not his first language, that “anyone have right to protest anything” but “you need to maybe choose how to protest and solve things.”

Asked specifically about Lilesa’s Olympic protest, Bekele said it was better to get an answer from him. Asked about other Ethiopian runners who have made similar crossed-arm gestures, Bekele said that sport should be separate from politics, that everyone had a right to protest in Ethiopia and that the government was trying to “solve things in a democratic way.”

Bekele has received some criticism for not being more forceful in his remarks, and on social media in Ethiopia there is a split between supporters of the two runners. “Many people are being killed,” Lilesa said of Bekele. “How can you say that’s democratic? I’m very angry when he says that.”

Lilesa playing with his son, Sora, at the family’s new apartment in Flagstaff, where Lilesa is training for the London Marathon in April. Matthew Staver for The New York Times

His own social awareness, Lilesa said, began when he was a schoolboy, living on a farm in the Jaldu district, sometimes spelled Jeldu, west of Addis Ababa. Security forces used harsh tactics to break up student protests, he said, and sometimes his classmates simply disappeared. He belongs to a younger Oromo generation emboldened to resist what it considers to be marginalization by Ethiopia’s ruling party.

“Before, people would run away; they feared the government, the soldiers,” Lilesa said. “Today, fear has been defeated. People are standing their ground. They are fed up and feel they have nothing more to lose.”

When he was named to Ethiopia’s Olympic team last May, three months before the Summer Games, Lilesa felt it was urgent to make some kind of protest gesture in Rio de Janeiro. But he did not tell anyone of his plans. If he told his family, they might talk him out of it. If the government found out, he might be kicked off the Olympic team or worse.

He continued to visit Oromo people detained in jail and to give money to Oromo students who had been dismissed from school and left homeless. He was wealthy for an Ethiopian, independent, and he sensed that the government monitored some of his movements.

He worried that he could be injured or killed in a staged auto accident. Or that someone might ambush him when he was training in the forests around Addis Ababa. When the doorbell rang at his home, he went to the second floor and peered outside before answering.

“I was really fearful,” Lilesa said. “Being an Oromo makes one suspect.”

On the final day of the Olympics, his moment came. As he reached the finish of the marathon, in second place behind Eliud Kipchoge of Kenya and ahead of Galen Rupp of the United States, Lilesa crossed his arms. It was a familiar Oromo gesture of protest and one that carried great risk, both to his career representing Ethiopia and to his family.

“Giving up running for Ethiopia was the least I could do, because other people were giving up their lives,” Lilesa said.

Iftu Mulisa, his wife, was watching at home in Addis Ababa with 15 or 20 relatives and friends. There was loud cheering and celebrating, and then Lilesa crossed his arms. The cheering was replaced by silence and confusion and fear.

After the Olympics, Lilesa was not certain he would see his family again. But on Valentine’s Day, they flew to Miami to join him. Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press

Everyone was asking: ‘Does he come home? Does he stay? What happens next?’” Mulisa said. “It was so shocking. He hadn’t told anyone.”

For two or three days, Lilesa said, he did not answer the phone when his wife called.

“I had put them in this position and I just didn’t know what to say to her,” he said.

Still, he felt he had made the right decision.

“I needed to do this,” Lilesa said. “I thought of it this way: When a soldier enlists, you know the risks, but because you swore to defend the country or the law, you don’t think about the consequences.”

When he finally spoke to his wife, Lilesa said, he tried to calm her and tell her everything would be O.K. But the uncertainty was difficult.

“He had never been gone more than a week or two,” Mulisa said. “Having young kids made it more difficult. They missed him and asked questions I couldn’t answer. But I was hopeful we would be reunited one day.”

In a diplomatic whirlwind, Lilesa secured an immigrant visa to the United States and eventually moved to Flagstaff, a training hub at nearly 7,000 feet where athletes often go to enhance their oxygen-carrying capacity. He was invited there by a runner from Eritrea, which neighbors Ethiopia.

Even in the best of situations, distance running can be an isolating life of training twice a day and sleeping. Lilesa kept in touch with his family through video chats, but they were disrupted for a period when the Ethiopian government restricted internet access.

In Ethiopia it is the traditional role of the wife or maid to prepare the food, to do the domestic chores. Without his family, Lilesa said, he sometimes ate only once or twice a day, too tired to cook dinner, hardly recommended for marathoners who routinely train more than 100 miles per week.

Lilesa with his wife, Iftu Mulisa, and their children, Sora, 3, and Soko, 5. “I’m relieved and very happy that my family is with me,” he said. Matthew Staver for The New York Times

“I had to fend for myself in a way I’ve never done in my life,” he said.

Perhaps the most difficult moment, Lilesa said, came when he was still in Rio de Janeiro after the Games and learned of the death of a close friend, Kebede Fayissa. He had been arrested in August, Lilesa said, and was among more than 20 inmates to die in a fire in September under suspicious circumstances at Kilinto prison on the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Opposition figures have said that the bodies of some prisoners had bullet wounds.

“I didn’t even know he had been arrested and there I was in Brazil, finding about his death on Facebook,” Lilesa said of Fayissa. “He had helped me so much at different times of my life.”

Eventually, Mulisa and their two children received immigrant visas to enter the United States and left Addis Ababa in mid-February for Frankfurt, Germany, then Miami, where Lilesa greeted them at the airport. The scariest time, Mulisa said, came when she walked down the Jetway to the plane, afraid the Ethiopian government would prevent her from leaving at the last minute.

Most likely, Lilesa said, his family was permitted to leave because to do otherwise would have generated negative publicity. In Miami, there was more emotion than words, Mulisa said, as the children hugged their father and she told him, “I didn’t think I would see you so soon.”

While he will surely not be chosen to compete for Ethiopia at the Olympics and world track and field championships while in exile, Lilesa can still make hundreds of thousands of dollars as an independent, elite marathon runner. Since the Olympics, he has run a marathon in Honolulu and a half marathon in Houston. A GoFundMe campaign for him and his family, started by supporters, raised more than $160,000. The London Marathon is two months away.

He now has a voice as strong as his legs. Lilesa has met with United States senators, addressed members of the European Parliament in Brussels, written an op-ed essay in The Washington Post and spoken with numerous reporters, trying to spread the story of the Oromo people.

If the political situation changes in Ethiopia, he said, he and his family will move home. He does not expect that to happen soon. In the meantime, he hopes that his wife and children will be permitted to make yearly trips there to visit relatives. For himself, he said he had no regrets.

“This has given me more confidence, more reasons to try harder, more reasons to compete so that I can use this platform to raise awareness,” Lilesa said. “I’m constantly thinking, what else can I do?”

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Major Battles Occurrences Across Ogaden

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Major Battles Occurrences Across Ogaden

Major

File: ONLF Army in November 2016

Gode, Ogadenia (ONA) – The news reaching from Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) Central Command reports of occurrences of major battles throughout the Ogaden between the Ogaden National Liberation Army (ONLA) against Ethiopian army and their concocted Liyu Police militia.

21 Feb, 2017 – In a battle that happened in Qaldhisha, Babile District, Fafan Province, between the regime collaborating ragtag outfit, Liyu Police in Ogaden, and their counterpart in Oromia, the two regime militias suffered major loses on both sides with combined death toll numbering over 200 and many more wounded.

22 Feb, 2017 – The Ethiopian army lost seven soldiers, 13 others were wounded and seven assault rifles were acquired from them in an attack by the ONLA in Aftinta, Aware District, Jarar Province.

22 Feb, 2017 – A significant combat that took place in Nogob-yarey, Dhanan District, Shabelle Province, the Ethiopian army was dealt with brute force that led to major casualties on their side by the ONLA.

22 Feb, 2017 – A pick-up truck belonging to the regime’s Liyu Police outfit was burned in Maiso District, Shinile, Ogaden.

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The Ethiopian Government is Plotting a War Among the Nations and Nationalities in Ethiopia

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ETHIOPIA:  The Ethiopian Government is Plotting a War Among  the Nations and Nationalities in Ethiopia

HRLHA Press Release


February 26, 2017

The  Ethiopian Somali Liyu Police led by the Ethiopian Federal government’s killing squad have been engaged in a cruel war for the past six months against the Oromo nation in fifteen districts of Oromia.   The Oromia districts that have been invaded by the two aforementioned forces are in east and east- west Hararge Zone, Eastern Oromia,  Guji,  Borana and  Bale, South Oromia zones, Southern Oromia of Oromia Regional State.

Nations

Somali Liyu Police Invading Southern Oromia

The Ethiopian Federal government, which in theory has a state duty and a responsibility to bring peace and harmony among the nations and nationalities in the country, is actually engaged in instigating a war between the Ethiopian Somali and Oromo nations. High casualties have been registered on both sides in the past six months.  Hundreds of Ethiopian Somali Liyu Police led by the Federal government’s killing squad have entered into Oromia villages, attacked and killed and abducted hundreds of Oromos and looted properties; over 750 goats, ships,  and camels were taken.

According to the HRLHA informants, the Oromia Regional State nominal administrative leaders, including Lema Megersa- the president- turned a blind eye while the citizens they claimed to be governing have been killed,  abducted, and displaced from their lands and villages  and dehumanized by the warriors of the  Ethiopian Somali Liyu Police led by the Federal government of Ethiopa’s killing squad.

Recently, the invasion into Oromia has expanded into the western part of Oromia Regional State. The Federal government force in Gambela crossed into West Wallaga, Oromia Regional State villages and displaced thousands of Oromos in Qelem Zone of Anfillo and Yatii districts. The HRLHA informants also disclosed that the Ethiopian Killing squad force is on intensive training on the western side of Oromia regional state boundary in Benshangul regional state preparing to invade Oromo villages in the western part of Wallaga zone of Oromia Regional State.

During the recent skirmish between Liyu  Police and Oromo people on February 23, 2017, in  Bale, Sawena district at Qilessa village Southern Oromia,  19 Oromos were killed and 13 wounded. In the same fight,  35 were killed and 50 wounded from the Ethiopian Somali Liyu  Police invaders by Oromo civilian resistance force.

According to the HRLHA informants, the total casualties in connection with the invasion by the  Ethiopian -Somali Liyu Police led by the Federal government’s killing squad in Oromia Zones of Guji, Borana, Bale and east and west Hararge zones caused the deaths of over 200 Oromos and injured over 150 and many were abducted and taken to Somali Region. The report from our informants also confirmed  Oromo self-defense civilians killed over 260 invaders,  members of  Liyu police and Ethiopian Federal Killing squads, and injured many others.

This meaningless and reckless action by the Ethiopian Federal government will destabilize the region in general and Ethiopia in particular.

It is clear that the  Ethiopian Federal government is demonstrating its hidden agenda- to eliminate the Oromo nation under the pretext of boundary conflict between nations and nationalities. During the  Oromo self-defense attack against Somali  Liyu Police, many invaders were killed and others injured. This shows that the plan to invade  Oromia in all directions may lead to a  civil war, which suggests that the Federal  Government of Ethiopia is deliberately plotting to cause a war among nations and nationalities in the country.

Background

Ethiopians have been under extreme repression ever since  October 8, 2016- a State of Emergency in fact.  The Ethiopian government has used a state of emergency in order to kill, imprison and abduct citizens from their homes and workplaces in Oromia and Amhara regional states. During the past four months- under the State of Emergency- over  70,000 Oromos,  including pregnant women, seniors and underage children have been taken to concentration camps in Xolay, Zubway, Didessa, Huriso and other places. There, they have been tortured, exposed to communicable diseases and malnutrition from which hundreds have died.

Ethiopia: War Crimes Against the Oromo Nation in Ethiopia

The cause of the civilian unrest in Ethiopia during the past two years was the marginalization of the citizens from the political and fair distribution of their economic resources; they have also been evicted from their ancestral lands without consultation and compensation. Evictions from the land around the city of Addis Ababa after the declaration of ” The Addis Ababa Integrated Master Plan”- evictions which have confronted by the Oromo nation from all walks of lives and have caused the deaths of over 2000 Oromos by the federal government sniper force Agazi- still continue. In the Month of February over 200 People have been displaced by the government and their lands have been taken.  Every day a number of people are detained all over Oromia and Amhara regional States and tortured.

Today, over ten million Ethiopians are daily exposed to hunger and poverty while the Ethiopian government has invested billions of dollars of foreign aid in training killing squads to kill its own people, claiming that Ethiopians were not dying from hunger and poverty.

A call on International Communities:

  • The HRLHA once again renews its calls to the international community to act collectively in a timely and decisive manner to request the Ethiopian government to stop instigating war among the Nations and nationalities in Ethiopia, a situation that could easily lead to civil war.
  • The HRLHA further requests that members of the UN Human Rights Council urge the Ethiopian government to allow the UN Human Rights Special Rapporteurs to visit the country to assess the human rights situations of political prisoners and others in detention centers all over the country
  • The HRLHA calls upon major donor governments, including the USA, UK, Canada, Sweden, Norway and Australia to make sure that their aid money is not used to train the Ethiopian Government’s killing squads to dehumanize the citizens of Ethiopia

Copied To:

  • UN Human Rights Council
    OHCHR address: 
    Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
    Palais Wilson
    52 rue des Pâquis
    CH-1201 Geneva, Switzerland.
  • Africa Union (AU)
    African Union Headquarters
    P.O. Box 3243 | Roosevelt Street (Old Airport Area) | W21K19 | Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
    Tel: (251) 11 551 77 00 | Fax: (251) 11 551 78 44
    Webmaster: webmaster@africa-union.org
  • The US Department of State
    WASHINGTON, D.C. HEADQUARTERS
    (202) 895-3500
    OFMInfo@state.gov
    Office of Foreign Missions
    2201 C Street NW
    Room 2236
    Washington, D.C. 20520
    Customer Service Center
    3507 International Place NW
    Washington, D.C. 20522-3303

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Fascist TPLF Keeps Digging Its Grave Plotting To Come Out of The Mess It Is In

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Fascist TPLF Keeps Digging Its Grave Plotting To Come Out of The Mess It Is In

Olaanaa Saboonaa irraa

TPLF

  • After massacring tens of thousands, after torturing and imprisoning hundreds of thousands, after displacing hundreds from their ancestral land, after subjecting hundreds of thousands to exile, death and destruction in the deserts and in the seas of the world, it declared a state of emergency for 6 months and is now poised to extend it.
  • The TPLF and its henchmen are using the state of emergency to legitimize the blatant human rights violation and genocide that they have been committing over the last 25 years. The state of emergency is one of the straws they are hanging to in order to save their power from demise.
  • What we need to realize is that the TPLF fascists will do anything to stay in power. The state of emergency not being enough for them, they keep pulling tricks from their rotten rears. The one trick they are now using is to deploy mercenaries that they have created from among neighboring peoples with Oromia.
  • A case in point is the genocide that they are committing against the Oromo people using the Ogadeni Somali LIyu Police. As we know, the TPLF has been committing unparalleled crimes against the people of Ogaden and it sees them as its enemies. However, by using the people who live for the day, like the ‘president’ of the Somali region, it has managed to use the Somalis against the Oromo people. What these people have not realized is that, the TPLF by doing this achieves not only the goal of silencing the Oromo quest for freedom, but also the goal of silencing the quest of the Ogadeni Somalis for their God given human rights and freedom. Hence by making the two people kill each other, they achieve both goals.
  • These stupid and ignorant so called Liyu Police must be told that instead of fighting the peaceful people of Oromo with whom the people of Ogaden lived in peace for generations, they have to turn their guns against the TPLF that is massacring and torturing their own people.
  • The heroic people of Oromo have now chosen to die fighting than die kneeling for these bunch of idiots. Though the causalities that we hear every day are heart breaking and unnerving, Oromos in Harar, Borana, Gujii, Balee, and Arsi as the rest of the Oromo people have shown their unparalleled heroism like their forefathers beating a force that is armed to its teeth. Imagine what would have happened if Oromos had access to guns and weapons like the coward TPLF and its stooges. That is why they have lost sleep over the possibility of Oromos arming themselves for the last 25 years and still restlessly working on this to ensure Oromos are disarmed.

The need for paradigm shift – To allow the ongoing slaughter of our people in the name of peaceful struggle can result in a full fledged genocide and loss of the victories they have so far achieved

Proposal for path forward:

  • Our people on the border areas are being killed and displaced every day. All Oromos have to come to their rescue and beat the so called Liyu police and the Agazi forces.
    • By this time we all know that access to get arms from neighboring countries has been blocked. Hence, we need to diligently work on confiscating whatever is available from the enemy and its garrisons and depots to arm our people.
    • If there is a way, we need to coordinate the armed struggle with ONLF opening a much stronger front from the east to start by blowing up the Palace of the Somali region’s so called president who serves the interest of the Tigre generals. As we know this man is responsible for the death and destruction of hundreds and thousands of Ogadenis and now Oromos under the order of the TPLF generals.
    • Conduct a much stronger diplomatic and information campaign to let the Somalis know that they are committing a historic mistake by being part of the genocide committed against the Oromo people.
  • The rest of the Oromo people as they did for over a year will have to continue to fight and dismantle the institutions and the economic pillars of TPLF.
    • In doing so, the Oromo people have to be able to coordinate their struggle with the rest of the oppressed people of Ethiopia.
  • As they have come to our land to kill us and displace us, Oromos and other oppressed people of Ethiopia must also work to start fire in the back yard of the TPLF in Tigrai and its neighboring areas.
    • We need to work with all the people around and in Tigrai to never give them peace.
      • We need to work with the Oromo people of Raya and Azebo.
      • Empower the Oromo people in Wolo and start the fight.
      • Coordinate the all encompassing struggle with the people of Afar.
      • Work with the Oppressed Amhara people in Gondar, Gojam and surrounding areas to uproot TPLF forever.
    • Oromo struggle has to be coordinated with the oppressed people of the South
      • We need to know that the TPLF’s next step is to instigate the fight against our people using the people of the South.
    • The struggle from the center in all its forms has to continue
      • Dismantling its economic infrastructure, spy agents and armed forces has to continue in a coordinated manner including at its heart in Finfinee.
    • Working to dismantle fascist TPLF’s spy agency and armed forces should be a task of priority
      • All means available should be used to teach members of the army and spy agencies that history will judge them by what they do now. They must be told that it is time turn their guns against the TPLF fascists that plots every second of its existence to divide and massacre the citizens of the country. They must be told that the minimum that is expected is to never turn their guns against their own people and the proper thing to do for them is to stand beside the people and get rid of the TPLF and its stooges to create peace for all.
    • The unity of the Oromo people proven with blood in their struggle for their God given rights has become a beacon of hope for all freedom loving people. Their struggle has served as a role model to wake up the rest of the oppressed people of Ethiopia. Their unparalleled heroism and sacrifice has brought a deadly enemy to the verge of collapse. But this enemy will never give up until its last breath. The remedy for this is to continue with the unity they have built and shown the whole world and push TPLF to its grave where it will never wake up.
    • Oromos in the Diaspora will have to continue to let the world know about what is taking place against our people. Blunt genocide is taking place before our eyes. There should be no rest until we stop and take these fascists to their graves.
    • The owners and the makers of history are mainly Oromos at home who are living the misery and paying sacrifices to protect the survival and dignity of our people. Nonetheless, the Diaspora can still play a great role as it did before, to enable our heroes at home.
      • The Diaspora has a historic role to let the world know about what is happening and help stop the financial and diplomatic support the TPLF is getting.
      • The Diaspora also can play a significant role in strengthening the unity of our people and their leaders.

As the TPLF and its stooges never sleep and lose a chance to stifle our voices, we need to continue to work and fight tirelessly to throw it to its final grave to build peace, prosperity, democracy, freedom and stability for all.

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Politically Motivated Charges Against Ethiopian Opposition Leader

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Politically Motivated Charges Against Ethiopian Opposition Leader

Arrest Came After Hearing in European Parliament

Felix Horne, Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa

Three months after Ethiopian security forces arrested opposition leader Dr. Merera Gudina upon his return to Ethiopia, following his participation in a hearing at the European parliament about the crisis in his home country, prosecutors on Thursday charged the prominent 60-year-old politician with rendering support to terrorism and attempting to “disrupt constitutional order.” Ethiopian marathon runner Feyisa Lelisa and the head of the banned opposition group Ginbot 7, Dr. Berhanu Nega, had also participated in the hearing that had been hosted by Member of the European Parliament Ana Gomes, and which was to inform delegates about the protests that have swept through Ethiopia since November 2015. Hundreds of people have been killed and tens of thousands detained since these protests began. Merera is now at Maekelawi, a prison where mistreatment and torture are commonplace.

Opposition Leader

Dr. Merera Gudina briefing the European parliament about the crisis in Ethiopia on November 9, 2016.

Merera is the chair of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), a legally registered political opposition party. He joins many other senior OFC leaders facing terrorism charges over the last 18 months. Among those presently standing trial is OFC deputy chairman Bekele Gerba. Prosecutors included as evidence of his crimes a video of Bekele at an August 2016 conference in Washington, DC, where he spoke of the importance of nonviolence and commitment to the electoral process. Like Merera, he has been a moderate voice of dissent in a highly polarized political landscape.

Human Rights Watch Statement to the European Parliament

Merera and Bekele join a long list of opposition politicians, journalists, and protesters charged under the 2009 anti-terrorism law, regularly used to stifle critical views of governance in Ethiopia. Acquittals are rare, credible evidence is often not presented, and trials are marred by numerous due process concerns.

World Report 2017: Ethiopia Events 2016 – Security Forces cracked-down

During the state of emergency – called by the government in October 2016 in response to the crisis and to crush the growing protests – the Ethiopian government publicly committed to undertake “deep reform” and engage in dialogue with opposition parties to address grievances. Instead of taking actions that would demonstrate genuine resolve to address long-term grievances, the government again used politically motivated charges to further crack down on opposition parties, reinforcing a message that it will not tolerate peaceful dissent. This raises serious questions regarding the government’s commitment to “deep reform” and dialogue with the opposition. Instead of responding to criticism with yet more repression, the Ethiopian government should release opposition politicians jailed for exercising their basic rights, including Bekele and Merera. Only then can a meaningful and constructive dialogue with opposition parties take place that can begin to address long-term grievances.

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EU urged to end cooperation with Sudan after refugees whipped and deported

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EU urged to end cooperation with Sudan after refugees whipped and deported

MEP calls for inquiry as Ethiopian and Eritrean asylum seekers receive 40 lashes and $800 fines, while activists warn EU migration aid is emboldening Sudan.

Most of those arrested were Oromo people fleeing ethnic and political repression.

EU urged to end cooperation with Sudan after refugees whipped and deported

People from Somalia and Ethiopia are detained on the outskirts of Khartoum in January 2017. Activists say Sudan’s crackdown on migrants and refugees has escalated. Photograph: Ashraf Shazly/AFP/Getty Images

The EU is facing calls to rethink its cooperation with Sudan on migration flows after scores of refugees were whipped, fined, jailed and deported from Khartoum last weekend following a peaceful protest over a huge rise in visa processing fees.

About 65 asylum seekers – the majority from Ethiopia and some from Eritrea – were lashed 40 times on their backs and the back of their legs with leather whips, lawyers told the Guardian.

The detainees were also handed fines of more than $800 (£645), and 40 were deported immediately, after being arrested in what witnesses say was a violent police attack on a peaceful protest.

The incident raises concerns about the strength of human rights conditions attached to more than $100m of migration-related aid earmarked for Sudan by the European commission.

The MEP Barbara Lochbihler, vice-chair of the European parliament’s sub-committee on human rights, said the EU should launch an inquiry. “The EU must voice clear criticism on the recent incidents, conduct a thorough investigation, try and help the people concerned, and draw the necessary conclusion: if projects such as Better MigrationManagement carry the risk for the EU to become complicit in human rights abuses, which I believe to be true, we should pull out immediately.”

Judith Sargentini, an MEP on the European parliament’s development committee, said she would be asking a question about the issue in parliament this week.

“Honestly, when we see Ethiopian refugees being harassed, lashed and thrown out of the country, we have to wonder whether we are not legitimising the Sudanese behaviour with our funding,” she said.

“The [EU] training for immigration and border management does not seem to be working very effectively yet,” she added. “I can imagine that [Sudan’s president Omar] al-Bashir thinks he has more manoeuvring space because the EU money is coming.”

A human rights worker in Sudan, who asked not to be identified for security reasons, said the regime’s brutality towards refugees had worsened in the last year as EU cooperation had increased.

“The crackdown on migrants and refugees has escalated,” the activist said. “The government feels empowered to do whatever they want. They think they can get away with human rights violations like this. They see them as goodwill gestures to the EU to show they are controlling the flow of migrants.”

The commission has pledged nearly €2bn to countries taking steps to curb migration to the EU in an emergency trust fund for Africa. Sudan separately received €100m of funds last year to improve border security and address causes of forced displacement.

Sudan is also benefiting from €40m (£34m) set aside under the Khartoum Process’s Better Migration Management scheme to help restrict refugee flows in central and east Africa.

These revenues could be used to pay for military and police border management posts, surveillance systems, transport vehicles, communications, protective police gear, IT systems, infrastructure and power supplies.

EU officials deny that any revenues will go to government forces such as the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), border guards on Sudan’s Libyan frontier linked to the notorious Janjaweed militia.

The RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan, known as Hemedity, last year demanded that the EU replace vehicles and weapons lost while his force rounded up 20,000 migrants.

“We are hard at work to aid Europe in containing the flow of migrants, and if our valuable efforts are not well appreciated, we will open the desert to migrants,” Hemedity said.

But it was a Khartoum court’s police that whipped and deported the asylum seekers, not the RSF. Most of those arrested were Oromo people fleeing ethnic and political repression. The court case that followed also fell short of international standards, according to local lawyers.

“It was not a fair trial,” claimed Montasir Mohammed, a lawyer for two of the arrestees. “No legal representatives were allowed to attend the court, and the men were not given a chance to appeal. The flogging was administered immediately after the court hearing. No doctors have been allowed to see them.”

The asylum seekers had been arrested last Friday when police dispersed a sit-down protest by 300-500 people outside the Ethiopian embassy in Khartoum. Eyewitnesses say officers attacked protesters with long wooden batons and tear gas canisters, provoking a dangerous stampede.

One witness, who asked to remain anonymous, said: “People were quietly sitting down on the pavement when suddenly the police came with big sticks and started to beat people. Then the military police arrived and fired teargas.

“People started to run but there was no way to escape except by jumping over a cemetery wall. Then it collapsed because so many people were jumping and pushing on it. All the people trying to escape were badly beaten as they ran, even me. It was painful.”

Use of overseas aid for this kind of political repression is “explicitly excluded” under criteria agreed by the OECD’s Development Assistant Committee last year.

The EU says it has not yet given any funds to the Sudanese government and that monies have been directed through international agencies.

However, a parliamentary delegation to Sudan in December said while EU stocks might not yet have arrived, it was clear that its funding projects “will be providing equipment to national police across the region for border control”.

Sudan is considered a key transit country for migrants to Europe. An estimated 30,000 people travelled through it on the way to Italy (pdf) in the first 11 months of 2016.

Around 500,000 refugees from Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia are currently thought to be in the country.

Last week, a British parliamentary inquiry warned that in Sudan, “the European Union’s long-held reputation as a human rights standard-bearer is in danger of being sacrificed at the altar of migration”.

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Ethiopia in Crisis Summit: Agenda for a Way to ‘True’ Democracy

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Speakers present analytical thoughts on Ethiopia at Ethiopia in Crisis Summit

Stanford University – Venue for Change

On Saturday afternoon, January 21, in Jordan Hall at Stanford University, two keynote speakers addressed an important topic affecting the African continent and a good part of the rest of the planet: Political Transition in Ethiopia.

Responding to the country’s current political and social turmoil, the Ethiopian-American Council (EAC) had organized a two-day summit – Ethiopia In Crisis – and had invited renowned scholars, human rights advocates, politicians, and media representatives, among others, to discuss the future of this ancient nation on the Horn of Africa.

Thousands Seeking a Way to True Democracy

Democracy
Dr Larry Diamond

The summit was a success. From around the globe, more than a score of advocates, including the keynote speakers, assembled to express their thoughts, share their visions, and answer questions on how best to promulgate the development of true democracy in a nation now ruled by a tyrannical, oligarchic regime.

Over the course of the weekend, more than 10,000 people attended the summit seeking ways to foment positive change for the people of Ethiopia, including far-flung members of the Ethiopian Diaspora. The roles Ethiopian-Americans could play in the political and social transformation of Ethiopia were also addressed.

World-Class Scholars and Human Rights Advocates

Due to their reputations as scholars and human-rights advocates, with a focus on Africa and Ethiopia, Dr. Larry Diamond and Dr. Richard A. Joseph were chosen as keynote speakers. Professor Diamond is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. Dr. Joseph is a professor of Political Science at Northwestern University.

Keynote Lessons for True Democracy in Ethiopia

Addressing the issue – Democratic Transitions – Dr. Larry Diamond made some opening points. He explained that Ethiopia is now dealing with an authoritarian regime and that there must be a desire for transition within that regime. Without that transition, none of the other problems that have been addressed at the summit could be solved.

He went on to say that the present Ethiopian regime lacks the self-discipline and courage to offer

transparency and accountability. He opined that it is really open to question whether the regime can appreciate the benefits of transition to a more democratic stance, but that it is unlikely, at best.

Assessing Human Development

Dr. Diamond also questioned how academia measures progress in human development. He noted that a World Bank official had told him that Ethiopia would offer the biggest bang for the buck in terms of human development. Dr. Diamond went on to say that most observers, such as the World Bank official, rely on economic statistics and other abstract measures. Do they really measure progress in human development?

He noted that the Ethiopian regime was not doing too badly statistically, though it had severely deteriorated over the recent past in terms of accountability, transparency, and over-blown corruption. He asked whether measuring education and income was enough to measure human development. He offered that perhaps we need new ways to measure human dignity and human liberty.

Ethiopia in Sub-Saharan Africa

Dr. Diamond went on to point out that the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa that are doing well in terms of economic and human development are all democracies or in a more open political situation. No dictatorship in the region, no matter the terms in which they couch their government, is a good example of democratic principles or best use of public resources.

He went on to cite the recent Ethiopian famine, pointing out that no true democracy has ever suffered a famine. Democracies cannot hide the fact of famine or the use of food as a weapon due to their transparency.

[Comments were made about the recent, much sought after, peaceful transition of power in the Gambia. It was noted that this could not have happened had the populace not been unified.]

Four Types of Democratic Transition

Dr. Diamond offered that there are four ways a regime can transition into a democracy:  evolutionary and economic evolution, change from above, change from below, and negotiated agreement. The first, he explained, was a “let nature take its course” path. Eventually everyone will have sufficient income and education that a democracy will eventually evolve. This takes decades and it is not a good bet, he noted.

He believes the negotiated agreement is the best way to change the regime in Ethiopia, but went on to note that right now the political reality is that the circumstances in Ethiopia are conditionally unfavorable for any kind of immediate transition to democracy.

Six Steps to Bring an Autocratic Regime to Democracy

Dr. Diamond has a six-step plan for bringing democracy to a nation ruled by an autocratic regime:

  • Unify the opposition.
    Ethnicity and religion are the dividers of any populace. Political parties and non-government organizations should eschew identification with either of those; change should be in the name of all the people. Groups must have a federal vision.
  • Befriend the regime.
    Forge ties with members of the regime, their friends, and families. Be politically smart – not rude. Don’t treat members of the regime or its officers as pariahs. Speak with ambassadors and officials from other countries. Outside of Ethiopia, appeal to the government where you reside. Talk with business people who rely on Ethiopia for stable markets. A good time to make friends within the regime is when its fall becomes imminent. Lay the basis for defection: prosecution, confiscated assets, imprisonment.
  • Have a unification strategy.
    Ensure that all parties understand that initially they will all have to make some painful concessions when negotiating transition with the regime.
  • Use non-violent resistance and civil disobedience.
    Resistance of all kinds must be used with great caution. As an example: Protesters throwing rocks or firing weapons immediately place themselves as enemies. Act with dignity and respect that implies to regime agents that protesters can be engaged without harm.
  • Plan for constitutional reform.
    A federal vision must be a part of democratic transition. The vision must include all groups. Much thought should be given to the structure of the constitution and the government. Stress was once again made that sustainable democracies could not exist if based on ethnic or religious divides.
  • Wage a battle of information and ideas.
    Disseminating information to the public is a most important move for Ethiopians at this early stage. The people should be made aware of the advantages of democracy and the rule of law and guarantee of rights. A mention was made about  the feasibility of thumb drives being deployed throughout the nation with the recorded theories of democracy translated into the various languages, so regular people could understand the fundamentals of creating and living in a democracy. Activists should be aware that the regime will do all it can to obliterate such an information flow.

Affirming Democracy in Ethiopia

Dr. Richard Joseph took the reins from Dr. Diamond and addressed the topic – Affirming Democracy: Ethiopia and the United States. Dr. Joseph chose “affirming” over “claiming” because it’s stronger.

He recounted a conference in Atlanta in 1994, chaired by former President Carter, that included Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) officers and groups of the opposition. Among them, he met a fighter against the Mengistu regime who believed that only those who bore arms in that struggle were qualified to participate in government. He found it disturbing that some thought armed struggle was the only way to change a government.

Origins of Ethiopian Authoritarianism

Following a historical path, he recounted how during the first Bush administration, it was made clear that the U.S. did not want to be involved in a long civil war. During the struggle against Mengistu, the U.S. allowed the EPRDF to take Addis Ababa, the capitol, under the provision that they create an inclusive democratic government. The E.U. and the U.S. both wanted a democracy but were too lax to enforce that progress. The EPRDF had no inclination to transition to democracy. The deterioration of the government has continued to this day.

Obama to Trump

Dr. Joseph went on to say that with the unfortunate results of the recent U.S. election, the new government will not have human rights as a priority. Then he questioned whether human rights was a priority in the Obama administration. He recounted how Obama has given human rights advocates moments of elation as well as moments of depression. He told how Obama gave a speech in July 2009 when Obama delivered a thrilling address about democracy in Africa, and repeated those sentiments in another speech a few weeks later.

Dr Richard Joseph

Later, however, just weeks after the travesty of the latest May 25th elections, Obama twice declared the elections as “democratic.” Regarding this, Dr. Joseph mentioned an article he wrote for the Journal of Democracy in 1998, “Is Ethiopia Democratic?” He mentioned the term “newspeak,” found in the novel “1984” by George Orwell, wherein governments presented new meanings for words and especially denigrated the meaning of the word “democracy.” He mentioned discrepancies in Obama’s speeches and his use of the term “democracy.”

Dr. Joseph recalled that the Ethiopian-U.S. connection goes back to the time of Selassie. Thousands of Ethiopians have placed themselves seamlessly into American society. Yet, the U.S. government still caters to the EPRDF. He cited at least two reasons for U.S. backing of EPRDF: regional security, a bulwark against Chinese hegemony. The doctor went on to say that he believes that Ethiopian democracy is obtainable as some point, despite the entrenchment of the present authoritarianism.

[As an aside, Dr. Joseph called for another summit: What should an Ethiopian democracy look like?]

Addressing the transition from the Obama administration to Trump and the progress of democracy in Ethiopia, he stated that under Obama, human rights were a priority but were unwilling to confront the fake or “pseudo” democracy the regime had espoused. Under Trump, and with the E.U. facing enormous challenges, help from those quarters for a transition to democracy is unlikely.

Ethiopia and Africa – Citizens in Action

Dr. Joseph went on to explain some questions and affirmations about the realization of democracy in Ethiopia. Dr. Joseph noted that of the seven largest African nations, only South Africa and Nigeria are real democracies. These came about only because the citizens were ready to lay on the line all that they held dear and because of the support of non-government organizations.

He said success in South Africa was due to the citizens themselves affirming democracy. In Nigeria, when the regime strayed from the democratic path, other democracies expressed disapproval, but didn’t follow up. It was only through the tenacity of the citizenry that democracy was achieved.

Posses for Democracy

Regarding the prospects for a democracy in the violence of North Africa, Dr. Joseph said that a few North African countries have managed to set their governments on a more democratic path. He called the citizens within these countries Posses for Democracy as in the American Old West term for “posse.” He said these posses pass on knowledge of democracy, spur people to action, and they can be within a country’s boundaries or span entire regions.

Democratic transition in Ethiopia cannot be dependent of U.S. involvement at this time. Factors to get on the path to democracy could include the desire of some regime members themselves want better than repeated oppressive violence and political malfeasance. Increasingly Ethiopians  themselves are asserting the vision of democracy. With these manifestations, he concluded that he believes democracy is obtainable in Ethiopia.

Question and Answer Session Raises Important Points

The presentations by Dr. Diamond and Dr. Joseph were followed by questions directed at the two. Both the questions and answers raised important issues:

  • The regime may recognize that their government is unsustainable if the nation runs into trouble economically or with eroding support of the citizenry.
  • The EPRDF should liberalize – let people out of jail, start a dialogue.
  • Intelligence community may be among the first to defect, they are seeing the trouble firsthand.
  • Both sides must realize that democracy is the only sustainable outcome. (Susan Rice or anyone else who is trying to construct a “new form” of democracy as promoted by the regime is not sustainable.)
  • Diaspora community cannot just rage against the regime. Could utilize some of the ideas presented in this forum.
  • Don’t base the process on ethnicity. Democracy is only viable and sustainable without ethnic or religious advantages.
  • Political parties should reach beyond those issues, to be more inclusive.

Dr. Joseph once again talked about the conference with Carter (see above). He noted that there was no common ground among the opposition and he wondered if Ethiopians had learned their lesson. Though there are differences among the people, he noted, there are even more similarities.

Other points raised by questions and answers:

  • The diaspora is the result of failure to transition to democracy.
  • Some Africans and Ethiopians feel shame for not taking more responsibility.
  • U. and U.S. have a morally bankrupt policy toward Ethiopia.
  • Obama knew what the real deal was.
  • Ethiopia has been doing some heavy lifting in helping U.S. deal with terrorism and violence, especially in Somalia.
  • EPRDF pressed hard for Obama to say elections were democratic. The regime is very nervous about their legitimacy.
  • Obama is a cerebral man so his head over-ruled his heart on occasion.
  • New U.S. president has militarized the NSC so there is not much hope of action. More concerned with strategic concerns than human rights.
  • Could influence new president, who doesn’t like foreign aid, by showing that Ethiopia under the present regime is a bad investment and is going down – be the realist.

– Ethiopian-American Council

 

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Borana Culture: marginalized voices of indigenous culture, values and identity

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For more read Borana

Borana Culture: Including the marginalized voices of our indigenous culture, values and identity in Curriculum reform in Kenya.

Borana women make a living by promoting of their culture to tourists:
A group of women from the Borana community in Kinna ward,Isiolo are making a living through promotion of their culture to attract tourists who visit the Meru National Park.

The Borana Tribe: Kind People of East Africa

Population: 2 million (2013)
Location: Northern Kenya and Southern Ethiopia
History: Believed to have immigrated from Ethiopia in the 10th century.
Culture: The Borana are Cushitic people, related to the Gabbra, Sakuye, and Rendille. They are nomadic pastoralists, herding cattle, sheep, goats, and some camels. They women on the Ethiopian side elaborately braid their hair.
Religion: Mostly Animism and Islam. Christianity is growing.

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National Day of Commemoration in Memory of Civilians Massacred in Ogaden

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National Commemoration Day: Ogaden Communities and OYSU around the world Held Commemoration for Ogaden National Memorial day Civilians Massacred in Ogaden

National Day of Commemoration of  Massacre in Ogaden

(Ogaden News Agency) — The Ogaden Somali Communities around the world commemorated the Ogaden National Memorial Day in remembrance of the Ogaden Somalis massacred by the Ethiopian government in Ogaden. The Attrocities and heinous massacres are still continuing and still affect the people in the Ogaden.

February wa chosen as Ogaden National Memorial month, following the killing of many innocent civilians, mainly women, children and elderly by the hands of the Ethiopian occupying forces in Kebri Dahar, Werder and Godey towns in February 1994.

Ethiopian security forces commit human rights violations including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, rape, torture, disappearance, and the destruction of livelihood, the burning of villagers, confiscation of livestock, land grabbing and forced relocation of the rural communities. Thousands are illegally detained in make shift jails all over the Ogaden.
The Ethiopian authorities have deprived the Ogaden people their civil, political rights and economic rights and have imposed an embargo on trade and aid which severely restricting the movements of NGOs and the people in order to control the Ogaden region. The Ethiopian authorities have sealed off the region to International journalists as well.

The audiences who attended the Memorial day watched videos regarding the Ethiopian government ethnic cleansing policy towards the Somali people in the Ogaden. One of the videos watched was “Ogaden the hidden shame of Ethiopia by Graham Peebles, a British Freelance journalist, who interviewed women victims of rape from the Ogaden.

We never forget the Ogaden civilian victims and the cause for which they have sacrificed their precious lives. We also never forget the Oromo, Sidama, Amhara, Gambella, Afar, Benshangul and the rest of Ethiopians who have been massacred by TPLF/EPRDF’s brutal regime during its 25 years of the reign of terror.

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Living History in Ethiopia – Gondar, Axum, Mursi people

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Living History in Ethiopia

By Don Mankin,
The Adventure Geezer writes about adventure travel for boomers and seniors

Source: Huffington Post

History

Well, maybe not so eerie. As the ancient crossroads between Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East, all kinds of people passed through this region thousands of years ago, depositing customs, practices and ceremonies along the way. In Ethiopia these cultural artifacts have been blended into a melange not unlike the array of food on a disk of injera, the fermented bread that is the staple of the Ethiopian diet.

History lives in Ethiopia. This isn’t history as an abstract and academic discipline. It’s one thing to read history, it’s another to experience it. While the practices, dress and decorations reflect the religious roots of the western world, the familiar is often counterbalanced by the strange in this evocative, mysterious land.

The first week of my trip, which was hosted by local operator Jacaranda Tours (http://www.jacarandatours.com), was spent in the historic north where early trade routes shaped the cultural and religious traditions of the country, as well as the striking features of both the women and men who live here.

We started in Bahir Dar on Lake Tana, the first stop in the historical circuit. Outside a 14th Century monastery across the lake is where I encountered the two boys sitting under a tree chanting from the Psalms of David.

After a brief stop in Gondar, the 17th Century capital of Ethiopia, noted for its medieval style castles, royal intrigue and history, we took a short flight further north to Lalibella. This is where the familiar gets really weird. By familiar I mean Christian religious practice and ceremony. As a Jew my familiarity with Christian ceremony is mostly secondhand though I have attended my share of Christian weddings, including Catholic and Orthodox; I have even been best man at a couple. So Christian ceremony is not that strange to me, but what I witnessed and experienced in Lalibella was way off my cognitive grid.

In the dark, underground, rock-hewn churches, enveloped in incense and chanting, surrounded by men and women wrapped in white, I had what could only be described as a religious experience. If not from another world, this was definitely from another century – the 13th to be exact.

Feeling like an intruder, I weaved my way among the worshipers, taking photos in the faint light.

They didn’t seem to mind. As we were leaving, a blind priest greeted us and, as translated by our guide, told us how pleased he was to welcome us to his church. He thanked our guide for bringing visitors “who traveled across oceans and continents to get his blessings,” and wished us a safe return home.

Maybe the chanting, incense, other-worldly surroundings, or the priest’s welcoming embrace nudged me toward the spiritual end of my science/metaphysics belief scale. Whatever it was, I choked up with emotion. It took me several minutes out in the air and sunshine before I completely regained my composure.

From Lalibella, we headed to Axum, the oldest and holiest city of Ethiopia, and the location for the St. Mary of Zion Church, where the ark of the covenant is supposedly kept (I say “supposedly” since no one, other than the priest who runs the church, has ever seen it. I guess we just have to take his word for it.).

Less than an hour outside of Axum was the most breathtaking, parched and dramatic scenery of the trip, reminiscent of the canyon country and deserts of southern Utah and northern New Mexico. But in place of Native American pueblos, rock-hewn churches stand on the mesas and hug the cliffs.

After Axum we spent a week in the south, a very different kind of experience. The scenery is lush with many lakes and the wildlife — mostly hippos, crocs and birds — is decidedly more abundant.

But the main draw of the region is the indigenous people in various tribes living much as they have for centuries. Among the tribes we visited were the Dorze in a traditional village high in the hills, famous for their bee-shaped houses and colorful weaving; the Konso in their 1000+ year old village of rock walls, terraces and narrow muddy paths;

the Mursi people with their elaborate decorations, facial makeup, lip plates, and the women’s casual disregard for wearing anything above their waists;

and the Hamer, the tribe with the most attractive people sporting great hairdos, body painting, and smiles.

Ethiopia is definitely authentic. But authentic can also mean mud, flies, intermittent water and electricity, long drives on rough roads and troublesome cultural practices such as forced marriage. However, for travelers interested in diverse indigenous peoples and a fascinating history that is also immediate, real, and personal, Ethiopia is a must see destination. The comforts and conveniences we tend to take for granted may be in short supply, but the experience will be both exotic and reassuringly familiar, and as authentic as it gets.

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Ethiopia’s Oromo Revolution echoes around the globe

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by

“If I go back to Ethiopia, maybe they will kill me. If I am not killed, maybe they will put me in prison.” These words were not spoken by just anyone seeking asylum. They were spoken by 2016 Olympic silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa when he displayed the Oromo Revolution symbol of an X after running a 2:09:54 marathon in Brazil, in August 2016.

FEYISA LILESA, ETHIOPIAN OLYMPIC SILVER MEDALIST (OLIVIER MORIN/AFP/GETTY IMAGES)

Feyisa, 27, fearing for his life, found refuge in Arizona, where he is training for the London Marathon. Feyisa received a green card and has been living in the United States since September. On Valentine’s Day of this year, his wife, daughter, and son, were reunited with him.

Feyisa highlights the real story.

The Oromo Revolution is a movement seeking societal change and equal rights in Ethiopia, a country of over 86 million. It developed in response to the government’s violent response to peaceful protests. Oromia is the largest of nine ethnically based regions in Ethiopia, and it is one of the most fertile lands in Ethiopia’s agrarian society. Protesters initially displayed opposition to the “Master Plan,” a government push to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, further into Oromia.

In response to the protesters, the Government of Ethiopia eventually decided to cancel the Master Plan, but damage was done as security forces killed hundreds, wounded thousands, and imprisoned tens of thousands.

Image Ethiopia protest
OROMO AND AMHARA PROTESTERS CALL FOR EQUITABLE RIGHTS, AUGUST 6, 2016. REUTERS/TIKSA NEGERI

In 1991, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took power and has ruled for nearly two decades. The EPRDF is primarily comprised of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which is a minority group. In Ethiopia, the Oromos and Amharas constitute the two largest ethnic groups, combining for over 61% of the population. Yet, in 2015, the EPRDF won 100% of parliamentary seats, up from 99.6% in 2010. Despite an obvious lack of equality in representation, in 2015 President Obama referred to the Government of Ethiopia as “democratically elected”.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented hundreds of cases of alleged human rights abuses by the government against the Oromos and Amhara populations, including the killing of peaceful protesters, the arrest and detention of students, journalists, and political leaders, and the stifling of political dissent under the guise of “counterterrorism.” Ethiopia is a strategic ally of the United States, assisting in counterterrorism efforts against al-Shabab, an Al-Qaeda aligned jihadi terrorist group based in Somalia.

As a response to the Oromo Revolution, the Oromo Leadership Convention (OLC) is seeking to organize an overall consensus for the future of the Oromo. While several conferences have been conducted, there is another scheduled for March 2017, in Arlington, Virginia.

While the OLC continues to build consensus, the Government of Ethiopia continued to implement a state of emergency. Last week prosecutors also brought multiple criminal charges against key Oromo opposition leaders, which included charges of treason, that they attempted to “violently overthrow the constitutional order”. Charges were also brought against two foreign-based television stations, OMN and ESAT, which included allegations that they violated Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism laws.

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How long will Ethiopia’s state of emergency suppress dissent?

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How long will Ethiopia’s state of emergency suppress dissent?

by Aaron Brooks

Suppress dissent

(East Africa Monitor) — On February 2, Ethiopia’s communications minister told the Financial Times that the country’s state of emergency had succeeded in suppressing nationwide anti-government protests.

Negeri Lencho says authorities have detained more than 20,000 people for “training” since a wave of protests first started in 2015. This wave now appears to have crashed and Lencho’s claims about the success of his government’s state of emergency don’t come across as exaggeration.

However, the state of emergency hasn’t done anything to resolve the concerns of the country’s largest ethnic group and a growing number of people who are concerned about land, rights and the suppressive political environment in Ethiopia.

A shift in protests

The root of this long-standing issue goes back to anger among Oromo people over government plans to encroach on their land, in a bid to expand the capital. However, Addis Ababa opted to scrap the plans after a series of protests and it seemed demonstrators had gotten their way in Ethiopia’s supposedly-oppressive regime.

Despite this, the protests continued – not because of concerns over territory this time, but in response to the government’s handling of demonstrations. Police brutality, arbitrary arrests and dead protestors exposed the government’s view of people speaking out against the state.

It’s a view that Negeri Lencho echoes in his conversation with FT, where he insists the capital will not “give opportunity to any party to block the fast-growing economy and the attempt or efforts of the Ethiopian government to change the lives of the people”.

More than 500 people were killed and tens of thousands detained during government crackdowns across the country. Many of those detained by police and security forces remain imprisoned and the people’s dissent is now one about human rights and the nation’s supposed democracy.

It’s the kind of dissent you can’t calm with crackdowns and states of emergency; the kind of dissent that isn’t going to simply disappear with time.

Protests expected to resume

Speaking to the Guardian, one Oromo man said he fully expects protests to resume once the state of emergency is over.

“The protests will come again because the government is not responding to the demands of the people in the right way,” he told the British publication and he’s not the only one who believes this.

“The solution is the government has to come with true democracy. The people are waiting until the state of emergency is over and then people are ready to begin to protest,” one Oromo farmer also told the Guardian.

However, the government is giving no hints on how long the state of emergency, which was imposed for six months, will actually last. So, for now, things are at an impasse, but at least it’s a relatively peaceful one. The harsh truth for Ethiopia’s unhappy citizens is their protests probably won’t bring this deadlock to an end but simply return to a more violent version of it.

Ethiopia’s one party state

Ethiopia is one of the world’s most consistent developers right now, constantly in a state strengthening its economy and religiously keeping the same party in power. This is a single party state in every sense of the phrase and there’s little sign of that changing any time soon.

The problem is Ethiopia doesn’t look like a particularly happy single party state right now. Despite its economic success, the people complain of ethnic inequality, economic exploitation and repression. The past 18 months have only fuelled this anger and now the government faces a voice of dissent it can’t ignore.

So, in true fashion, it has responded in the only way it knows how – with absolute repression, which adds yet more fuel to the fire.

Ethiopia’s government feels it can’t give any concession to public dissent. If it does, there seems to be this notion that Ethiopians will view the government as weak and try to exploit it further. Meanwhile, the opposition’s only real strength is the increasing volume of its voice – and this isn’t enough to inspire political change.

In terms of brute strength, the government is going to win every time. Which suggests a return to protests after the state of emergency comes to an end will only repeat the kind of crackdowns we’ve seen over the last year and a half. The challenge for Ethiopia’s protestors isn’t so much waiting for the country’s state of emergency to come to an end, but rather what they can do to make any kind of progress once it does.

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Somalia declares ‘national disaster’ over drought, more than 6.2 million people in need

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Somalia declares ‘national disaster’ over drought

Disaster(Aljazeera) –More than 6.2 million people in need of urgent humanitarian aid, including nearly three million who are going hungry.

Somalia’s new leader has declared a national disaster for a prolonged drought that has forced about half of the country’s population to seek urgent food assistance and sparked fears of a potential famine.

The announcement on Tuesday by President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed’s office came a day after the World Health Organisation (WHO) warned that Somalia was at risk of its third famine in 25 years – the last one in 2011 killed some 260,000 people.

“The president has appealed to the international community to urgently respond to the calamity in order to help families and individuals to recover from the effects of the drought disaster to avoid humanitarian tragedy,” read a statement from the presidency.

EXPLAINER: What is a famine?

According to WHO, more than 6.2 million people – half of Somalia’s population – needed urgent humanitarian aid, including almost three million who are going hungry.

The agency said more than 363,000 acutely malnourished children and 70,000 severely malnourished children needed urgent, life-saving support.

Somalia is one of three countries, along with Yemen and Nigeria, on the verge of famine, which has already been declared in South Sudan.

Last week, the UN said more than 20 million people face starvation in the four countries, adding it needed $4.4bn by the end of next month to prevent “a catastrophe” of hunger and famine.

Aid agencies are concerned that the drought is exacerbating the country’s on-going humanitarian crisis, while there are reports that the ongoing conflict with the al-Shabab armed group is further blocking access to food.


IN PICTURES: Drought in Somalia – Time is running out


Al Jazeera’s Fahmida Miller, reporting from Dolow in southern Somalia, said she spoke to a number of refugees and internally displaced people.

“One woman we spoke to said it took her 11 days to find food and water. She said trying to get the assistance was near impossible because of threats from al-Shabab,” she said.

“People here are losing livestock; rivers and water points have dried up and there is a huge issue around internally displaced people and refugees moving through Somalia looking for food and water,” Miller added.

“As the rainfall is expected to stay low, there have already been a number of failed crop seasons and people can’t grow their own food and have to move through the country looking for assistance.”

Source: Al Jazeera and news agencies

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The Elders Committee Resolution on OLC – GGO and their Responses

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The Elders Committee Resolution: Need for OLC and GGO Unity
The Elders Committee Resolution: Need for OLC and GGO Unity

February 5, 2017

Whereas, the Elders Committee was formed for bringing about the unity of the Oromo Leadership Convention (OLC) and the Global Gumii Oromia Organizing Committee (GGO) so that they work together for supporting their people who face death and destruction daily in Oromia;

Whereas the goal of the Elders Committee was creating consensus about the danger that hangs over the future of Oromia which could be averted only if the OLC and GGO work together for mobilizing resources and to be an effective voice on the international stage on behalf of their people;

Whereas, the Elders fully agree that cooperation and working together will be crucial for both groups. United they will be a strong voice for their people. Divided they would repeat the mistakes of Oromo political organizations which intensified conflict among the Oromo Diaspora for years.

Whereas the Elders were encouraged by the fact that during previous discussions with the representatives of the OLC and the GGO, there was no evidence of an irreconcilable contradiction between them;

Whereas, the TPLF leaders’ genocidal plan for reducing the size of the Oromo population, removing them from the sacred land of their birth, while undermining the integrity of the state of Oromia is intensifying. So far thousands of Oromo and others have been killed, tens of thousands wounded and a huge number of Oromo and others have been detained. Without any doubt the genocidal danger that hangs over the future of our people and the integrity of Oromia is very real.  There is no one out there to protect Oromo people, the integrity of Oromia and their future, but themselves. The OLC and the GGO could be the strong voice on behalf of their people only if they work together. By working together, they will be able to expose on the international stage the crime against humanity that is committed daily in Oromia.

Whereas, it is only if they cooperate and work together that they can learn from one another’s successes and failures, share experience and organizational skills and turn current weakness into future Oromo strength. It is only if they cooperate and work together that they will be able to be an effective voice of our people in the Diaspora. Above all, if they work together, they will be able to handle themselves, rise above petty recriminations, and be able to settle misunderstandings and differences of opinion through dialogue and open-minded discussion and constructive criticism serving in leadership as an example for all.

Whereas, at this critical time in the life of the Oromo nation, the leaders and members OLC and GGO must double and triple their efforts at working together, instead of going their separate ways. Elders strongly urge the leaders of both groups not to spare their energy for working together. If the leaders of both groups work together diligently giving their time, talents, skills and for mobilizing resources on behalf of their people, their efforts would be crowned with meaningful contribution to the cause for which their people are dying daily in Oromia.

Whereas during our earlier discussions both groups had expressed their desire to unite and work together within a single organization;

Whereas, during January 19th meeting with the representatives of both the OLC and the GGO, the elders’ genuine efforts at convincing both groups to merge and work together  as a single body in the interest of the Oromo was not successful.  Instead the OLC group announced that it will hold its public meeting March 10-12, 2017 in Houston. Few days later, the GGO group also announced that it will hold its public meeting April 14-16, 2017 in Minnesota. This means both groups will be organizing their own separate meetings.

Whereas, this development is a big setback for elders’ efforts at uniting both groups. Nevertheless, this setback should not deter the elders from urging both groups not to lose sight of the prize-the freedom, human dignity and democratic rights of our people, which can be achieved only by the OLC and the GGO groups working together.

Whereas, the Elders Committee strongly urged the leaders of the OLC and the GGO to marshal the moral courage for working together which benefits both of them and their people. Working together does not spring up organically. It is brought about by the willingness of the leaders and members of both organizations. The leaders of the OLC and the GGO must make the decisive choice for working together instead of proceeding with their separate agendas, which may result in rivalry between the two groups. Rival organizations generally work to undermine each other.

Therefore, the Elders Committee unanimously passed a resolution asking both the OLC and the GGO not to organize two separate meetings. Instead the elders strongly urge both groups to organize a joint meeting. A joint meeting will be the ingathering of Oromo around Oromo ideas, i.e. the Oromo working together to be strong voice for their own people who are targeted for destruction. Such measure will be historic and inspiring, especially if both the OLC and the GGO rise to the challenge of working together.  It has enormous implications.  At the time when the TPLF regime is intensifying its attack in Oromia working together for building and strengthening Oromo unity is a noble idea that reflects the core aspiration of the people who have been wronged for too long.

The Response of Global Gumii Oromia (GGO)

Thank you very much for sending us your decision in writing urging for the OLC and GGO unity.

We have carefully examined the resolution. The elders committee focused on the solutions without diagnosis of the genesis of the problem. It is a decision based on the symptoms not problem analysis. Problem analysis is a logical process that could lead to an objective decision. This is not to criticize the approach chosen by the elders committee but to indicate what should have been done.

We would like to reiterate the mission of GGO Organizing Committee for the understanding of the Oromo problem and solving it. The Organizing Committee is a project committee put together to study and organize an institution that encompasses all sorts of Oromo Organizations without exclusion that work to support the Oromo struggle, alleviate Oromo plights and hasten the pace to liberation. Accordingly, the mission of the Organizing Committee ends once the GGO has been established formally. That will be April 16, 2017.

We would like to briefly explain how the problem between GGO and OLC emerged. The representatives of the Macha-Tulama Association (MTA), the Oromo Community Associations of North America (OCA-NA), the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), and Oromo interfaith representatives initially got together in August to establish an organizing committee for founding of Global Gumii Oromia (GGO). The representatives these organizations initially outlined several points to develop the objectives of GGO. They also unanimously agreed on the importance of all Oromo organizations such as civic, political, religious, self-help, women’s organizations, youth groups, and other organizations to participate in the organizing committee of GGO in order to represent a greater Oromia.

While working on the documents for establishment of GGO, the invitation of other Oromo Organizations and prominent Oromo individuals continued. In the mid- September, Professor Ezekiel and his associates suggested to hold a conference on November 12, 2016 in Minneapolis. However, the majority felt that November 12 would be too soon and the organizing committee would be still at its early stage in drafting documents and would not have enough delegates that would reflect equal representation for all stakeholders.

The date on which the meeting should be held became a point of difference and both sides could not agree on the date. Also, there was a serious disagreement on the paper that Professor Ezekiel drafted. This paper totally ignored the colonial contradictions between the Ethiopian colonial state and the colonized Oromo people. Following the above disagreements, the group that proposed November 12 for a conference to be held withdrew from organizing committee without any advance notice. However, the GGO organizing committee continued sending them ongoing progress reports and documents and inviting them to meetings.

The GGO organizing committee worried about the lack of participation by the group and decided to send an elders committee to them to resolve the issue. After several mediations it was agreed NOT to rush to call for a GGO founding conference until all stakeholders were represented in GGO organizing committee for GGO founding conference. It was also agreed that all documents should be prepared by diverse and equally represented GGO organizing committee rather than a self-selected few individuals. After the elders committee convinced the group the necessity of creating a broadly based and diverse organizing committee, this group returned to the organizing committee of GGO.

However, at the end of the mediation, the group requested to hold a Leadership conference on November 12 to remember the Oromo youth protest movement that was initiated on November 12, 2015. The GGO organizing committee and the elders committee accepted the group’s request to call an Oromo leadership convention (OLC) to bring leaders together and help centralize the Oromo diaspora resources but suggested that they should work with GGO organizing committee to organize OLC. The group agreed to organize the leadership submit with GGO.

However, ignoring the above agreement, the group did NOT get back to the GGO organizing committee to organize the leadership summit. Instead, some members of the group were seen on multiple media outlets talking about a charter. The group continued to expand its activities without including or consulting with GGO organizing committee. Finally, the OLC took place in Atlanta, GA, from November 12 to 14, 2016. Following the above meeting in Atlanta, the OLC committee was born.

After the Atlanta convention, the OLC never joined GGO organizing committee again. Regardless of receiving ongoing updates and invitations for every meeting, they never responded. Instead of rejoining the GGO organizing committee the newly formed OLC started advancing programs that are parallel and overlapping with GGO objectives. The GGO organizing committee believes that the absence of OLC from the GGO organizing committee would reduce its overall benefit in supporting the ongoing Oromo struggle and scatters highly needed the Oromo diaspora resources.

We have been considering the OLC as part of the GGO Organizing Committee. They are included in the list of the Organizing Committee members and have been receiving all the information related to the activities of the Project Organizing Committee and are still on roll call. We think the problem is emanating from organizing a convention on the side. They told the GGO organizing committee that they were going to hold a convention in Atlanta and after the convention had been done they would come back and continue their activities in the organizing process of GGO.

But after the Atlanta convention their participation in the GGO organizing activities neither began but waning for reasons not clear to us nor investigated by the Elders Committee. The Elders Committee was organized to address the problem of slow exit of OLC from the GGO organizing Committee.

Generally, the main objective of GGO organizing committee has been inviting all Oromo organizations in order to include them in this historical process. There is neither prejudice nor rivalry toward any organization that works for the liberation of the Oromo people and their country. The approach to all is fraternity and sorority.

Having given the highlights of the goal and mission of the GGO Organizing Committee as outlined above, we respectfully accept the decision of the Elders Committee and ready to work toward the unification of the activities of OLC and the GGO Organizing Committee to establish an all inclusive Oromo Institution.

Oromo Leadership Convention Coordinating Committee Response

Dear Respected Elders,

Foremost, we sincerely thank the members of the elders’ committee for their sacrificial effort to underscore to the Oromo Leadership Convention (OLC) and the Global Gumii Oromo (GGO) the value of working in concert in order to deliver efficient service to our people at this very challenging conjecture.

On the OLC’s side, we sincerely regret that differences of opinion occurred at all given that both sides had common purpose. We regret we allowed those differences fester when we should have acted proactively to choose compromise and seek consensuses to work together as a united front to advance our mutual cause.

The Oromo Leadership Convention is a forum of civic dialogue where ordinary Oromos strive to search for a consensus on national matters. Its goals include efforts to reinvigorate Oromo cultural and political values, restate the current Oromo people’s demands in broad terms and ultimately create an Oromo political arena where political conversations, concessions and conciliations can take place. We believe the gaols constitute the underlying common reasons for our initiative. For these vary reasons, we remain committed to working together with the GGO and or any Oromo group based on good will and a spirit of amity and cooperation.

It was out of this understanding that we forwarded the following ideas on January 18, 2017 to be considered as an agenda for our discussion in forging unity of work.

  1. Compere agendas and find out the way to blend and coordinate overlapping initiatives to ensure efficient resource utilization, avoid duplication of efforts and acquire a unified strategic national approach.
  2. On initiatives that are dissimilar, or unique to the group, we seek to find a means to support each other with understanding and good faith.

You might also recall that we informed the elders’ committee and the GGO about our intention to organize the Second Oromo Leadership Convention from March 10-12, 2017. The purpose of this convention is to receive reports from the task forces that were created at the Atlanta Convention, consider their recommendations for implementation

Re: The Elders Committee Resolution: Need for OLC and GGO Unity February 5, and launch new initiatives to strengthen Oromo unity. This work commenced four months ago.

We fully concur with your suggestion that OLC and the GGO should not organize two separate conventions to address the same issues. We heed the elders’ counsel that strongly urged us to organize a joint meeting. From our position, we still hope and believe that the initiatives that are underway can be co-managed through participation of both groups in common endeavors, coordinating overlapping initiatives and establishing practical terms of understanding for participation and cooperation. If we still have a common agenda that we had from the very start, what we need to do is to take tangible steps to cooperate on the work that is already underway.

It is with great regret that we inform you that we cannot comply at this time with your recommendation to postpone the already scheduled convention due to commence in Washington DC in mere three weeks. It simply is not practical to cancel a convention of this magnitude mere three weeks before the start date. The OLC Coordinating Committee has already booked meeting halls. More than three hundred participants have already registered, booked their flights and made hotel reservations. The OLC has contractual obligations that it cannot simply walk away from. Cancelling the convention at this late date is impossible without risking loss of all the money that has been spent by the Coordinating Committee and participating delegates. More importantly, it would amount to dereliction of duty to halt the work in progress and abandon our commitments. We will damage the confidence of our people who expect us to deliver on our initiative for what we started promises to be a pathway to a national consensus and an occasion for affirmation of Oromo national unity.

Yet, while we regret our inability to accommodate your recommendation to cancel the convention at this time, we promise you that we are open to coordinating future initiatives with the GGO and other civic organizations. We appreciate the elders for your perspicacious wisdom, sangfroid conduct and comported equanimity with which you treated us. We also like to thank the representatives of GGO for the cordial exchanges we have had during the past several weeks. We especially like to take this opportunity to express our admiration for their tenacity, adroitness and sensitivity in dealing with others on difficult issues. We wish them success in their founding conference.

Sincerely,

Oromo Leadership Convention Coordinating Committee

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TWO more Oromo Organizations? A personal plea to the coordinators of OLC and GGO

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TWO more Oromo Organizations? a personal plea from a concerned Oromo to the coordinators of Oromo Leadership Convention (OLC) and Global Gummi Oromia (GGO)

by: Bayisa Wak-Woya

Dear both;

Oromo

Bayisa Wak-Woya

I am addressing both of you with this rather detailed letter in my personal capacity as a concerned Oromo. Just wanted to express my deepest concern regarding the ongoing newly created parallel civic society initiatives (Oromo Leadership Convention OLC and Global Gummi Oromia GGO) as spearheaded by you, prominent Oromo notables. I hope you will take my observations as a friendly reminder written with the sole objective of contributing to the efforts of our people back home with the tools they badly need to achieve our common goals. I am confident that you will give due attention to these concerns of mine. Because you have a baggage of years of experience in this field, I am certain that you can jointly design a better way forward to positively impact on the ongoing uprising of our people.

I have been closely following and at times even got involved, directly or indirectly, in lending my experience and expertise to both processes. Because of the close attention I dedicated to the two initiatives, and studying related background documents, I now reached a stage where I find it imperative to share with you, my personal views because I started feeling that we are not moving in a right direction. I am sure it is also the concern of many Oromos in diaspora because the two initiatives started rolling independently and in parallel with the historic Oromo uprising back home. In my view, both processes seem not to have immediate bearing on the uprising, to say the least.

Why I am saying so:

The uprising in Oromia is a success story if one takes into consideration the nature and capabilities of traditional mass movements. Unlike the perpetuated division among the diaspora Oromos, the mass in Oromia acted in unison and with no sign of impending danger of division along regions, religion or political views. That is why it succeeded to shake the foundation of the TPLF regime like never before, sending clear message to the regime that it cannot continue ruling as before. The uprising gave the Oromo people the self-confidence they needed that they can indeed threaten the power base of the regime “provided that……”

And that “provision” which our people back home is lacking and desperately expecting from us, in my opinion, is a hands-on political leadership. The leadership is presumed to come from “somewhere” because the Oromo political organizations back home that could have delivered impromptu leadership are heavily hit by TPLF wrath, their leaders being thrown to jails and their supporters silenced. The people understood the very basic fact that mass uprising can only go for a limited distance but political organizations do go all the way to the end. It may be the case that mass uprisings may even succeed in toppling dictatorial regimes but unless the gap is immediately filled by political leadership, there is a danger that the nation may fall into crisis. So the unquestionable and highly valued tool to help the Oromo people to achieve its ultimate goal is political leadership. And that is what Oromos, no matter where, feel missing.

If what is missing is a hands-on political leadership, then why are we spending such unquantifiable time, energy and human resource to create new mass initiatives (Civic Societies) knowing very well that, these are not what the Oromo people at this particular junction of our historyarelacking?Tomake iteven worse, andbecause ofthecreation ofthe two new initiatives, the existing, already divided Oromo political Organizations, now seem to be divided even further because they naturally have to ally themselves with one of the two processes. In other words, we added two more set of problems to the existing ones: one, we created two stand-alone new civic societies, which are not complementingeach other with their respective constituencies; and two, instead of facilitating the rapprochement between the Oromo political Organizations, we further aggravated the existing divisions among them, because they already started choosing sides.

What is more surprising is the fact that instead of taking the lead in organizing the civic societies, the Political Organizations are now summoned by you, the coordinators of the two initiatives, as members in the process. This is very un-natural to say the least. Political organizations, by definition, are presumed to be the most conscious group in any given society, hence it is incumbent upon them to form civic society groups (women, youth or functional groups like fund-raising, capacity building etc) and monitor their activities – all with the objective of unifying the constituency and to create a solid public support base. Unfortunately, what we are observing now is the opposite. I would have also worried less if the two processes are purely “humanitarian/civilian” i.e. does not involve political organizations, but that is not the case. We see attempts from either initiatives to accommodate this or that political organization.

In my view, we were on the right track when group of eminent Oromo individuals started the process of bringing the Political Organizations together with the objective of charting out common agenda and unified objective to deliver leadership to the ongoing mass uprising. They succeeded and an agreement was reached in Minnesota between the four major organizations and we all cherished and applauded. Building up on that experience and to expand and further strengthen that alliance of the four, the International Oromo Lawyers Association – IOLA -organized a Conference in London where ALL political organizations participated and “faced the nation” and of course, each other. It was declared as a step ahead. In my view, what should have been a logical follow-up undertaking at this stage, is for the two processes (OLC and GGO) to combine their efforts and work on the 4 + others formula, to bring ALL political organizations to a forum where they could discuss the possibility of agreeing on a unified objective and a subsequent unified action, which naturally would have filled the missing gap in the mass uprising back home.

I am deeply concerned about your respective plans to create the two new Civic Societies de facto replacing or duplicating the existing Oromo civic society groups. We all know that our wise older generation, created the Maccaa Tuulamaa self-help Association – (MTA), which for decades has become a landmark of Oromo peoples struggle for freedom. Although created as a self-help association i.e. non-political, MTA existed as symbol of Oromo resistance to successive Abyssinian ruling systems, until its ban by TPLF. So many Oromos sacrificed their lives and as many thrown into jail, and as we speak, still languishing in TPLFs prisons, for no reason other than fighting for the existence of MTA. Notwithstanding the pressure from TPLF back home, MTA continued functioning in diaspora because and similar to OLF, it is running through the blood vein of every Oromo person.

Although not used to its full capacity, MTA activities cover literally everything what the Oromo people needed – awareness/campaign, capacity building, humanitarian assistance, advocacy, solidifying unity among the Oromos etc etc, activities which I now see under the objectives of the two newly created civic society initiatives. In addition to MTA, there are also other less known, but equally important Oromo civic society groups like ORA and OSG, not mentioning the various faith-basedgroups orOromo self-helpcommunities aroundthe world. I believe eachone ofthese non-political organizations contributed to the efforts of our people to achieve its goal. They may not have been super-active, hence, did not succeed in mobilizing the target groups or raise sufficient funds to be disbursed among the needy back home or helped stranded asylum seekers and refugees to ensure the provision of international protection, but these land mark Oromo organizations continue their work, albeit with limited success.

In my view, the decision to now create two new Civic society groups, whose objective and activity are more or less similar to the existing ones, is not the right thing to do. It is not the creation of the new groups which makes it unwise but the decision to create new ones before assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the exiting organization(s), i.e. MTA, ORA, and before reaching a conclusion that they are not usable anymore, is what makes it not right. Common sense and normal practices suggest that one should first identify gaps in the existing organizations and see if the identified gaps could be filled with the resources at our disposal, and only then when it is concluded that it is difficult to fill the gaps, the organizations shall be declared as damaged beyond repair. Then naturally one can opt to create new ones in place of the dead one.

But as far as I remember, there has not been such a review and subsequent conclusion reached about MTA, for example, hence, we rightly presume that MTA is still alive but less active and above all, not damaged beyond repair! Two things to remind ourselves here: a) the strength and weaknesses of an organization is directly proportional to the strength, leadership capacity and dedication of those running it; and b) those who run these Oromo civic society groups (MTA, ORA and OSG), even if it is a volunteer work, are accountable to the Oromo people and remain responsible for the success and failure of these organizations. It does not mean that they have to succeed at all cost (for example, in case of force majeure) but they are accountable to the people i.e. to inform the “owners” the status of the respective organizations.

Further, I see in the planned activities of the two processes (OLC and GGO) that they are going to create parallel Humanitarian and Diplomatic sections within their functional structures. Once again, we have MTA and ORA which are created to do the “humanitarian” part whereas, “diplomacy” in all its forms, is not an activity to be undertaken by civic society but political organizations. It is true that to-date, Oromo political organizations are undertaking their respective uncoordinated, sometimes duplicating diplomatic activities, which obviously yielded very little or no fruit. And that is why, I was previously suggesting that Oromo political organizations should agree on creating, as a minimum, a unified Diplomatic Council to represent them and the entire Oromo nation at all fora. Now, instead of helping the political organizations to create such a unified Council, the newly created civic society initiatives are planning to create new versions of diplomatic and humanitarian task forces. This, in my opinion, in not the right avenue to explore. The ideal would be to help the political organizations to agree on a unified diplomatic council, which by the way, could also coordinate activities of the humanitarian sector.

Now, before I continue with my humble suggestions regarding the way forward, I would like to say the following. Please do not take my suggestions and comments as personal. I am just an Oromo individual like you, equally feeling the pain of our people hence wishing only the best for the common good. I have NO special preference to anyone of you and I also have no special attachment to any other Oromo political organization or the Civic Society, except with IOLA, which I am a proud co-founder. So take it as an honest and brotherly suggestion from a fellow Oromo.

My very simple suggestion: Because you have already started the processes and entered into commitment of all sorts with your respective constituencies, it may not be practical to suggest that you make changes to the process now. Please go ahead and complete this round of your respective conferences – in DC and Minnesota, but once you are through with your respective Conferences, please do start planning to meet and work on a joint project to combine the two processes with the objective of killing both of them. You may wish to maintain a selected skeleton group of elders and experts in mediation/negotiation to continue with the already started Minnesota process of bringing ALL Oromo political organizations under one umbrella. You may as well create a joint expert group to go back to the drawing table and start assessing the status of MTA and ORA. Believe me, it is easier to work on the identified gaps of an existing organizations than creating and building new ones. Maintain the momentum but divert your activities and make them activities of MTA, and you will see the immediate success. In doing so, you are killing two birds with one stone: you are unifying your activities under one umbrella – MTA, and you also send a message to TPLF that MTA is alive and kicking more than ever before. MTA should be alive and be active, at all cost! It is more than a symbol for Oromos!

I have a reasonable fear and worry that if you insist on continuing with your respective activities and in parallel, you are not only procrastinating the rapprochement process between the Oromo political organizations but you are also directly contributing to the weakening, if not death, of the Oromo mass uprising and also MTA. With your respective actions, you are depriving our people the hands-on political leadership they are desperately asking for. And you know very well that, mass movement never achieve its objective without political leadership. That is the only genuine reason why I want your two initiatives to die. Nothing personal! But please, please, please kill them now at their nascent stage because the longer you keep them, it is very likely that you will develop attachment to them, hence, difficult to divorce.

Yes indeed, we do need more Oromo organizations – both civic (women’s association, youth association etc) and professional (Oromo Medical Personnel Association, Oromo Engineers Association, Oromo Artists Association, Oromo Agricultural Experts Association etc), similar to IOLA. That way we could de-congest the political arena, each contributing to the efforts of our people with the things we know best and good at. Unfortunately, and for no good reasons, we all want to be politicians and talk about power, whereas, we could have done a lot for our people had we been organized along our professions, the things we are better at.

I know your worry and legitimate concern about the future of the uprising of our people and I fully understand that it is the only reason why you embarked on these parallel initiatives. It is a very genuine undertaking and you should be commended for that. I wish we all have that courage to undertake such tasks. But, please just pause for a while and see if there is a better avenue to explore. Please focus on the most important missing-link in the Oromo people’s uprising today. And believe me, if you combine your efforts, no one is in better placed than you, coordinators of the two initiatives, to apply pressure on the Political organizations in order for them to come together and discuss ways to create at least tactical coalition around a common denominator.

Don’t be carried away with this feeling of guilt – that we diaspora Oromos failed our people. That usually happens after every failure and it is normal. Keep in mind – we are the least contributors to the uprising back home because the epicenter of our struggle is always in Oromia and not in diaspora. So, let us do what we can and we should, but let us do it right. Let us try to be ALL inclusive and accommodating.   If you, the elites, the crème of the society, non-political associations are unable to sit down and sort out your differences for the common good, then what moral authority do you have to complain about the lack of unity among the various Oromo political organizations, which unlike you, do have different objectives or means to achieve their goals. Please be guided by the very Gadaa principle you both uphold, to sort out your differences. And keep in mind, judging from what we have been witnessing for the past three or four decades, don’t be surprised if next year, another splinter group, disagreeing with your ways of doing things, is created complaining something about both of you. And the year after we will have some more coming up. Unfortunately that is the reality. Is that what you really want to perpetuate?

Dear friends,

That is all what I have to say now and I am not going to write to you again, at least not on this subject. I have done my part. I am also not expecting a reply from you, so please don’t worry. All what I said above is from the bottom of my heart and with good intention. As an Oromo, and equal stakeholder, I said so because I wanted you to succeed in your endeavors and not to fail. No one is better placed than both of you to bring the political organizations together because you have years of experience in this field. You know the political organizations and their leadership very well, and you can coerce them to sit and talk.

Our people back home are not in short supply of “unity” “awareness” “self-esteem” or “knowledge of Gadaa principles”. They demonstrated to the whole world that they are united from East to West, and North to South with no sign of division along regional or religious lines. It is we, the diaspora Oromos who are lagging behind and suffer from shortages of these items. But please let us not confuse ourselves and the people back home by creating additional organizations.Inanycase, youwill neverevercreate a bettercivicsocietyorganizationthan MTA. The Oromo nation is at a very critical stage of its survival and we can be of help if only we can get our acts together and secure the delivery of the highly demanded a hands-on political leadership – which is the primary task of Oromo political organizations. Let us help them to get closer to each other and to work for a unified objective. Let us help them to be stronger and lead us and not the other way round.

My sincere regards

Geneva, February 25, 2017

 

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Ethiopia state media face scrutiny from Facebook fact-checkers

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Ethiopia state media face scrutiny from Facebook fact-checkers

Facebook(Messenger Africa) — Facing the worst drought in half a century, Ethiopia had managed to avert a crisis without significant foreign aid, boasted a December 27th report on state-run news agency ENA. A day later Eshetu Homa Keno, a U.S.-based online activist, posted on Facebook a figure released by the United Nations showing that the amount of foreign humanitarian aid Ethiopia received in 2016 was more than a billion U.S. dollars while the government’s share was a relatively meager 109 million dollars.

In another post on the same day, Eshetu raised a curious case of a stadium construction project in southwestern Ethiopia. The stadium, initially reported by state media to be finished in two years, was in its eighth year of construction without completion. Earlier that year the ENA told the public that most of the project was completed. However, the image it used in its report to illustrate the progress of the construction was uncovered by Eshetu to have been snatched from a Russian website. Public ridicule followed, forcing the news agency to take the picture down.

Eshetu is among a new breed of online activists working to hold state news agencies in Ethiopia accountable – a task that has grown more important as independent media wither. He has been active on social media for more than eight years but it was only a couple of years ago that he decided to focus on what he calls “exposing the outlandish lies and exaggerated development reports” by state-owned and affiliated-media in Ethiopia.

In addition to fact-checking inflated claims, he frequently monitors reports looking for contradictions and inconsistencies. “I am not a journalist by training,” he says, “I am just doing this to fight back against government-run propaganda machinery.”

Eshetu annotates state media articles so that his followers can grasp inconsistencies

Close monitoring has raised interesting questions about seemingly bland and straightforward state news items. For instance, Eshetu pointed out last month that a new ENA report on the opening of a hospital in the town of Jigjiga contradicted reports carried earlier by other state-affiliated agencies, Walta and FanaBC, which pointed to an earlier opening date. The underlying inconsistency of these reports raises questions about why the hospital project opened behind schedule, whether there were also cost overruns, and other performance issues not addressed by the state media reports themselves.

Online activism in Ethiopia is also trying to fill a gap left by a lack of vibrant civil society. An online project, Ethio-Trial Tracker, hopes to bring light to the government’s “use and abuse of anti-terrorism proclamation,” by documenting people charged under it.

Ethiopia is ranked as one of the top five worst jailers of journalists worldwide, second only to neighboring Eritrea in sub-Saharan Africa, with 16 journalists imprisoned currently, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. A 2015 report by human rights watchdog Freedom House claimed that the government employed a variety of strategies to weaken the independence of the press, including legal pressure, censorship of newspapers and the internet, arbitrary detention and intimidation of journalists and bloggers, and heavy taxation on the publishing process.

According to a journalism and communications lecturer at Addis Ababa University, the weakness of the independent media coupled with the government’s tight grip on information creates a fertile ground for fictitious reports to flourish.

“The government has made it difficult, if not impossible, for journalists to independently verify the various claims it makes,” said the lecturer, who wished to remain anonymous. Accordingly, “Long before the term ‘fake news’ became part of the everyday lexicon, the Ethiopian government had been actively working to induce the public into a post-truth world where the norm is fake news.”

Eshetu Homa Keno

Eshetu argues that the withering of independent media helped social media to grow impactful. Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates of internet penetration in the world. In 2016 only an estimated 4.4 per cent of its 100 million people used the internet. Regardless, Facebook and Twitter are now preferred platforms for Ethiopians as forums for expressing opinions. Eshetu says they are also important places for “disseminating information and exposing human rights violations.”

Pushback

Speaking at United Nations General Assembly summit in September, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn warned world leaders about the dangers of social media. “Social media has certainly empowered populists and other extremists to exploit people’s genuine concerns and spread their message of hate and bigotry without any inhibition,” he said. A couple of weeks later he declared a state of emergency as a response to a yearlong wave of unrest and shut down certain social media platforms including Facebook, Twitter, Viber and WhatsUp, in various parts of the country.

The lecturer at Addis Ababa university says that the prime minister “raised a legitimate concern when he talked about the potential perils posed by social media activism especially in the context of Ethiopia.”

“Most of the activists are based abroad and some of them have a tendency to disregard the truth or to shun responsibility so long as it serves a political end they see.”

One of the early victims of the state of emergency was the Addis Standard, a monthly magazine critical of the government which was forced to stop its print edition in November. Its editor in chief, Tsedale Lemma argues that social media has become a den for extremists but also presents great opportunities for journalists to highlight unreported issues and offer alternative perspectives.

Tsedale Lemma

“It is easier for the Ethiopian media, with its limited capacity, to get stories breaking on social media and follow the lead for further verification when that’s possible,” she says. The editor cites the example of the anti-government protests that started in November 2015 in Ethiopia’s largest state Oromiya.

Even though this was a big story, “for the first couple of months, there was a terrifying silence among the established media,” she recalls, “while people on social media were quite vocal often calling out the media to pay attention.”

The government believes that the protests may have been orchestrated from abroad – or at least hijacked by foreign-based activists. In February charges were made against a prominent social media activist based in the U.S., Jawar Mohammed, for his alleged involvement in the protests. For Eshetu, though, “the protests were the result of a continuous abuse of power by the ruling party which left the country’s youth disillusioned and hopeless.” Yet social media gave it some energy, he says.

Four months into the state of emergency, the government has shown no sign of loosening its grip on the media or civil society. But authorities reopened access to Facebook in Addis Ababa in December – a boon for Ethiopian online activism.

With Facebook as their preferred medium, online activists like Eshetu might succeed in eventually eroding popular trust in state-run media. But also possible is that they will spur reforms that will make state outlets more professionalized and responsive. What’s clear is that state media and social media – and not independent media institutions – are the two dominant publishing sectors at the moment and they are likely to continue in uneasy coexistence for some time to come.

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Eritrea Denies Knowledge of Group Linked to Ethiopian Plot

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Eritrea Denies Knowledge of Group Linked to Ethiopian Dam Plot

Eritrea accused for dam plot

Rendering of GERD

 

(Araabi News) — Eritrea’s government denied any knowledge of a rebel group that an Ethiopian broadcaster said had plotted to attack the country’s flagship hydropower plant.

Ethiopian security forces killed 13 members of the Benishangul Gumuz People’s Liberation Movement who had traveled from Eritrea to attack the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, or GERD, Fana Broadcasting Corp., which is controlled by Ethiopia’s ruling party, reported on Wednesday. Seven other members of the group fled to neighboring Sudan, whose authorities handed them over to the Ethiopian government, it said.

“This whole accusation is preposterous and peddled for some sinister reason,” Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel said in a message sent via Twitter. He said he has “never heard of this group.”

The 6,000-megawatt GERD, scheduled for completion next year, is set to be Africa’s biggest hydropower plant, according to a June report by Bloomberg New Energy Finance. It’s being built on the Blue Nile River near the border with Sudan at an estimated cost of $6.4 billion and may be used to export power to East African countries, BNEF said.

Eritrea achieved independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after decades of armed struggle. The two countries fought again in 1998-2000 over the disputed territory of Badme on their border in a conflict that left at least 50,000 people dead.

The Ethiopian Regime Is Destabilizing the Horn of Africa Region

The BPLM is part of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, an anti-Ethiopian government coalition, according to a statement issued by the Oslo-based PAFD in October 2015. The alliance, which includes four other rebel groups, didn’t immediately respond to an emailed request for comment. Calls to the telephone number listed in the statement for the BPLM, with an Eritrean dialing code, didn’t connect.


Ethiopia says planned attack on giant dam project thwarted

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS , ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia

Ethiopia says it has thwarted a planned attack by an Eritrea-backed group on its massive dam project, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.

Deputy government spokesman Zadig Abraha told the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate on Wednesday evening that 20 members of the armed group were “completely annihilated” earlier this week.

Zadig says “actions were taken” against 13 members of the Benishangul Peoples Liberation Movement. The spokesman did not give details, but similar statements have meant people were killed.

The spokesman says the other members escaped to Sudan, which then handed them over.

Ethiopia’s dam project is about halfway complete and has been a source of regional tension. Egypt has long suspected it will reduce its share of the Nile River.

Ethiopia and neighboring Eritrea have a long history of border disputes.

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Ethiopia and Eritrea Trade Accusations Over Grand Dam ‘Attack’

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Ethiopia and Eritrea Trade Accusations Over Grand Dam ‘Attack’


(Newsweek) — Eritrea has denied any involvement in an alleged plan to attack an under-construction Ethiopian dam, which is set to become the biggest hydropower dam in Africa.

Ethiopia’s deputy government spokesman, Zadig Abrha, told the state-run Fana Broadcasting Corporation that 20 members of an Eritrean rebel movement—known as the Benishangul Gumuz People’s Liberation Movement—had been apprehended while attempting to attack the site of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).

Abrha said that Ethiopian security forces killed 13 of the rebels, while seven fled into neighboring Sudan. But the Ethiopian government spokesman said that Sudan had handed the rebels over and they were now in Ethiopian custody.

Grand Dam

Construction workers are seen in a section of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam in Benishangul Gumuz Region, Guba Woreda, Ethiopia, March 31, 2015. The dam has been a source of regional controversy, especially between Ethiopia and Egypt. TIKSA NEGERI/REUTERS

Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel told Bloomberg News that the accusation that his country sponsored the group “is preposterous and peddled for some sinister reason.” Gebremeskel added that he had “never heard of this group.”

Ethiopia and Eritrea have a history of tense relations. Eritrea only seceded from Ethiopia in 1991 after a 30-year independence war, and the two countries have regularly clashed on the boundaries of their borders. Tens of thousands of soldiers on both sides were killed in a border war focused on the town of Badme between 1998 and 2000.

Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel told Bloomberg News that the accusation that his country sponsored the group “is preposterous and peddled for some sinister reason.” Gebremeskel added that he had “never heard of this group.”

Ethiopia and Eritrea have a history of tense relations. Eritrea only seceded from Ethiopia in 1991 after a 30-year independence war, and the two countries have regularly clashed on the boundaries of their borders. Tens of thousands of soldiers on both sides were killed in a border war focused on the town of Badme between 1998 and 2000.

Ethiopia has also accused Eritrea of sponsoring anti-government protests, led by the Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups, which have been occurring regularly since November 2015. Eritrea has denied the allegation.

Construction began on the GERD project, which is being built in the Benishangul Gumuz region close to the border with Sudan, in 2011. The project is set to cost $6.4 billion and is due for completion in 2018, according to Bloomberg.

The project has been a source of tension between Ethiopia and Egypt, with the latter saying that the dam could reduce the amount of Nile water flowing into Egypt. The presidents of Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan signed an initial agreement in 2015 to end the dispute and allow Ethiopia to continue with construction, but Egypt has continued to express its concerns.

Ethiopia has received backing for the project from five other Nile Basin countries: Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. The Horn of Africa country wants to do away with a 1929 treaty, orchestrated by the British, that gives Egypt a veto on any projects relating to the Nile by upstream countries.

 

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AMISOM: 57 al-Shabab fighters killed in Juba raid

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AMISOM: 57 al-Shabab fighters killed in Juba raid

AMISOM announces one of deadliest attacks on armed group’s base in Juba, but al-Shabab says it lost no fighters.

Al-Shabab fighters

Al-Shabab has lost Somali territory in recent years but continues to carry out attacks [File: AP]

At least 57 al-Shabab fighters were killed after African Union (AU) and Somali forces attacked one of the armed group’s camps in the southern region of Juba, according to the AU’s peacekeeping mission in Somalia (AMISOM).

In a post on Twitter, AMISOM said that vehicles and equipment were destroyed in Thursday’s morning assault on the al-Shabab base outside Afmadow, a town about 100km inland from the Somali port of Kismayo.

The AU force said “a large cache of weapons” had also been captured in the operation, which was backed by helicopter gunships.


INFOGRAPHIC: Al-Shabab attacks in Somalia (2006-2017)


A separate statement by Kenya’s defence ministry said an unknown number of fighters were injured.

There was no immediate word of casualties among the AU or Somali forces.

Abdiasis Abu Musab, al-Shabab’s spokesman for military operations, told the Reuters news agency that the armed group’s fighters had ambushed Kenyan soldiers, prompting them to call in air support, and the armed group had lost no one in the clashes.

“The planes fired some bombs and KDF (Kenya Defence Forces) returned to their places. There is no casualty from our side and we do not have exact casualty numbers of KDF,” he said.

Al-Shabab ruled most of south-central Somalia until 2011, when it was driven out of the capital, Mogadishu, by AU troops.

Despite the loss of territory, the armed group, which wants to topple the internationally recognised government, still carries out major gun and bomb attacks.


IN PICTURES: Fighting to survive hunger in Somalia


The group has responded angrily to the election last month of new President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, during whose brief term as prime minister the group was expelled from Mogadishu.

Mohamed has vowed to make security a priority in the Horn of Africa nation.

 Inside Story – Why does Somalia matter?

Source: Aljazeera News agencies

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