To Oromo Community:

Thank you for contacting me about S. Res. 432. I appreciate hearing from you.

I am a cosponsor of this resolution, which would support respect for human rights and encourage inclusive governance in Ethiopia. It would call for the Secretary of State to conduct a review of U.S. security assistance to Ethiopia in light of allegations that Ethiopian security forces have killed civilians. It also would call upon the government of Ethiopia to reduce violent crackdowns, conduct a credible investigation into the killings of protestors, and hold perpetrators of such violence accountable.

The Ethiopian government’s disregard for independent civil society and freedom of the press not only goes against the country’s constitution, but against basic human rights. The United States should be a leader in condemning violence and promoting human rights around the world, and I will continue to support efforts that support these ideals.

Thank you again for contacting me. Please feel free to keep in touch.

Sincerely,

Richard J. Durbin
United States Senator

PRESS RELEASE

As feared and forewarned for the last 26 years by many forces and quarters in Ethiopia the smoldering identity issues seem to have reached the boiling point and are about to erupt into a national insurrection against the murderous regime of TPLF. The first is what everybody feared and second or the collective reaction is what everybody wished. As Afars, the systematic incorporating of traditionally owned land by TPLF is not new to us. The 1976 TPLF’s Political Manifesto for Republic of Greater Tigray proclaimed the ownership of Afar land. We can say that TPLF started this expropriating process first in Afar land in 1978. Only three years after its inception in 1975, the first battle between them and the Afars was fought in the Barahle village and hence the launching of our UGUUGUMO resistance immediately after the famous Talaatâ Qeebi (The battle of Tuesday) as it is known locally. Since then, the systematic and unlawful claim of other Nationalities’ lands and transferring them into ever-expanding Tigrai region never stopped. Tigray ethnic settlements in Abaala district of the Afar region unlawfully claimed the ownership of Abaala as they did before the neighbouring districts of Konnaba and Dalol of the Afar Region.

For the last 25 years claiming and annexing lands from other nationalities in every corner in Ethiopia went on without restraint. Last year, it was the Oromos turn to be victimised. This year, it is the turn of Walkaiti-Tegde Amharas of Gondar. They expropriate and incorporate our traditional land into ever expanding Tigrai or change them into cash in municipal areas in cities like Addis Ababa one at a time. We, the victims of the TPLF crime react by turn too. Terrorizing civilians in different regions of Ethiopia is not new. TPLF has been doing it all those years. We think, only now the reaction seem to take a collective form. All political forces are warning of its political misadventures and not begging TPLF to sit down with them. They are now demanding the demise of the TPLF. Nobody is demanding its reform. The claim that all who oppose TPLF destructive policies are in the payment of neighbouring Eritrea Government is not equally new. TPLF regime killed and jailed civilians over charges related to the exercise of their freedom of speech, freedoms of expression, assembly and association. Ethiopian peoples have been experienced systematic killings, enforced disappearances, and oppression, marginalization and human rights violations at hands of TPLF from day one in 1991.

ARDUF condemns in the strongest possible terms the despicable, heinous and barbaric killings and deliberate targeting of innocent civilians in Gondar by TPLF tyrannical regime.

ARDUF offers its sincere condolences and sympathies to the families of the victims. We express our full support and solidarity with peaceful Ethiopian Amharas of Gondar. It is well documented that TPLF/EPRDF regime has been killing, detaining, torturing and terrorizing its civilians in different regions of Ethiopia criminally.

ARDUF also unequivocally condemns the unlawful act of collective punishment, human rights violations, systematic killings, unlawful detention, torture, sexual violence, enforced disappearances and deprivation of liberty of Ethiopian peoples on the basis of ethnicity and religion.

ARDUF can confirm that in Afar region TPLF security forces continue to use hunger as a weapon of war and collectively punishment against northern localities of the Afar region perceived to be supporting our organisation ARDUF.

ARDUF further calls upon all Ethiopian peoples in general and opposition forces in particular to coordinate our democratic struggle to accelerate the dismantling and demise of the current murderous regime of TPLF and calls on all stakeholders not to lose the sight of genuine federation of all nationalities in united Democratic Republic of Ethiopia in spite of the tearing apart of our social fabric by TPLF regime in their final attempt to take down every body with them. As TPLF ultimate goal is to secede from Ethiopia and form an independent “Republic of Greater Tigray” by annexing the Afar region into their new Republic of Greater Tigray we will be the first to combat it as we were the first to fight TPLF from its inception.

The Victory to Ethiopian People in their Democratic Struggle against Tyranny
Vive la ARDUF/UGUUGUMO

Military Command Centre (MCC)
Information Desk
Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front (ARDUF)

(SBO/VOL – Adoolessa 21,2016) FXG marsaa 6ffaa Godinaalee Oromiyaa maratti baatii 8 oliif osoo wal irraa hin cinne itti fufee jira. Dhiyoo godina Harargee fi Arsii keessatti FXGn haala diina hundeen raasutti finiinaa turuun ni yaadatama.

Godinoota kanneenitti ummanni jala muree wayyaanee akka hin barbaanne gadi bahee himatee jira. Wayyaaneen aangoo ishee gadhiisuurra lubbuu hedduu bal’eessuu fi duula hidhaatti fuulleffattee jirti. Ummanni godinaalee kanneen keessa jiraatu hidhaa fi ajjechaa lubbuu, hedduun wareegamus ilaalee duubatti kan hin deebine ta’uu mul’isuun Qeerroo waliin hiriiree FXG itti fufee jira.

(Mereja) — በኬንያ የወያኔ ኤምባሲ ጽ\ቤት የሕወሓት ሰዎችንና በስደተኛው ውስጥ ገብተው የሚሰልሉ የወያኔ ደህንነት ኣባላትን ያካተተ ስብሰባ ተካሂዷል።በናይሮቢ የኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲ በተደረገ ሚስጥራዊ ስብሰባ ላይ በጋዜጠኞች እና ፖለቲከኞች ላይ እርምጃ እንዲወሰድ ለደህነቶች ጥብቅ ማስጠንቀቂያ ተሰጣቸው ::

(Addis Standard) — Between July 12^th and 14^th more than a dozen people were killed in a protest in Gondar, northern Ethiopia, that followed a raid by heavily armed federal security forces, including the Anti-Terrorism special force, targeting members of the Wolkayit community who have been protesting against the federal government’s decision to incorporate the area where the community lives into the Tigray regional state. The Wolkayit community members also reject the idea of them being ethnically considered as Tigrayan and want to identify themselves as Amhara.

The government said 11 of its security forces were killed during a shootout between members of the community and security forces. Several eye witnesses put this number, including the number of civilians, at more than 20. Many cars belonging to the government were set ablaze and businesses considered to be affiliated with the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), the all too powerful party within the ruling EPRDF, were vandalized by protesters, sparking, although unfounded, fears of ethnic violence.

After a negotiated surrender to the local police of Colonel Demeke Zewdu, the leader of the “Wolkayit Committee” who has represented the community to lodge complaints both at the regional and federal governments, calm seems to have returned to the city of Gondar, a historic city home to thousands of tourists every year. But many fear the federal security forces’ attempt to take the colonel into its custody may spark further resistance from members of the community and residents of the city at large.      

Addis Standard interviewed Tsegaye R. Ararssa of the Melbourne law school and a constitutional law expert, on the genesis of the Wolkayit question and what lies ahead. Excerpts:   

Addis Standard – If you can please explain to our readers the genesis of the recent protest in Gondar in Amhara regional state? What lies at the heart of the matter? 

Tsegaye R. Ararssa – The protest has its roots in the decisions made in the 1990s when the area was first incorporated into Tigray region as part of the larger TPLF-EPRDF scheme of restructuring the Ethiopian state, devolving power to self-governing regional entities, and recognizing the right of “nations, nationalities and peoples” to self-determination (Proc No 7/1992). When Tigray was reconstituted as Region one, this area, which hitherto had been part of Gondar Province, was made part of Region one and formed what came to be known as the Western Province of the Regional State of Tigray. The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution of 1995 endorsed that by the simple acceptance of Region 1 as the Tigray Region, also known formally as the ‘Tigray National Regional Government.’ The boundary was taken for granted. No discussion was made about the boundaries. No consideration of the will/consent of the people was made. No consideration of the settlement pattern was made; if anything, it was ignored especially in this locality. Nor were the identity and language patterns of the area. This stood in stark contrast to what the constitution (in its article 46) prescribes for delimitation of inter-regional boundaries.

AS – Can you explain these factors that lay out the delimitation as per the constitution?  

TA – According to art 46 (2) of the FDRE Constitution, four factors: settlement pattern, consent, identity, and language, are the factors to consider in the process of delimiting states. As it is well known, as a frontier area, three languages are commonly spoken in the area: Amharic, Tigrigna, and Arabic. But the vast majority of the people there identify themselves as Amhara. This is as true as it is today, although there was a massive Government-driven Tigryan settlement in the area since the 1990s. The settlement is presumed in some circles as a TPLF strategy of diluting the demographics of the area, but the majority still seem to identify themselves as Amhara nonetheless. And the settlers, most of whom are former TPLF fighters that were demobilized after 1992, view themselves as Tigryan settlers. In short, like everywhere else, the criteria of delimiting regions in art 46 (2) were ignored, and we, as a country, continue to bleed from the reckless delimitation that was done then. The current conflict is an example of the problem of TPLF-EPRDF failure to deliver its own constitutional promises.

AS – When did the people of the area start protesting against this arrangement?

TA –The arrangement was rejected by the local people from the very start. The people protested the decision then, but their protest was ignored by the TPLF dominated EPRDF government and was submerged at the national level by several other political issues (such as the Eritrean referendum, the precarious peace among the parties that “negotiated” the transition, emergence of low-profile local conflicts among various groups, etc) that proliferated in the face of the state crisis. However, it persisted as a low key, intermittent, ad hoc, if disorganized, resistance to the regime. It is important to note, incidentally, that the resentment was openly expressed in the society through local songs in the area and in the wider Amhara region for the last two decades and a half. (In most of these Amharic songs, the names of the towns and villages in the area were invoked as part of Gondar as they used to be before the ascension to power of TPLF-EPRDF. Fasil Demoz’s song is only one example.

AS – but the government maintains the current crisis was orchestrated by Eritrean based rebel groups with the support from the Eritrean government.  

TA –The genesis of the current crisis has its roots in not paying attention to the identity, consent, settlement pattern, and language of the people of the area in the process of delimiting the region. And this is not accidental. Many people from the area consider it as part of the TPLF’s ambition to impose Tigryan hegemony both in the region and in the wider country by incorporating and subsuming peoples in the periphery of its historic borders under Tigrayan political dominance. (The Raya-Oromo of the historical Wollo and the Afar of historic Afar are now incorporated into Tigray (and rendered totally invisible in the region). The Kunama and the Irob (also called Saho in some writings) are the other numerically small groups who, although part of the historic Tigray, were culturally and linguistically suppressed and rendered invisible in the region struggling even to assert a Woreda-level self-government.) There is also the view that the TPLF wants to take economic advantage of the relatively more fertile nature of the land in the area.

AS – What changed in recent years? How did the protest gain momentum?

TA – In recent years, the hitherto sporadic, fragmented, and disorganized resentment gathered momentum and found an organizational expression through the “Wolkayit Committee” that launched a legal campaign of self-definition by recognizing their distinct identity as Amharas. They believe they are wrongly placed in Tigray region. They presented their claim at various levels of governance: at the levels of District, Zone, State, and Federal Governments. The central claim of their demand is the right to self-definition as Amhara rather than Tigryan. They relied on art 39 of the Federal Constitution and its regional equivalent. Apparently, they took self-definition, rightly, as a form of self-determination.

The demand for self-definition was however not an end in itself. Through self-definition, they sought to advance what is otherwise known as a demand for “ethno-cultural justice.” They sought to redress the neglect of their culture as Amhara (holidays, songs, dresses, styles, etc), the marginalization of their language (Amharic) as a medium of providing social services (e.g. education, administration, justice, etc), and their exclusion or severe marginalization in ‘representative’ political and administrative institutions. They also feel politically dominated by the Tigrayan majority that came up with a series of land laws that effected the transfer of land to Tigryan investors and settlers thereby increasingly displacing the indigenous inhabitants. The coordinators of the demand also suggest that there are social and local government pressure for the Wolkayit Amhara people to leave the land to the region and go. Implicit in their demand (so far unstated, I think) is the interest to be re-incorporated as part of the Amhara Region South of the border. This is seen as a form of irredentism that leaves Tigray at a disadvantage. The demand has thus activated the fear that this may lead to losing to the Amhara region, often perceived as their traditional rivals.

The grassroots mobilization and formal presentation of the demand provoked a political rage from the TPLF in the region and in the Federal Government. In the first place the regime failed the question primarily because of its undeclared aspiration to impose Tigryan hegemony both in the region and in the country. There is a Tigryan nationalist desire to expand the territory and entrench the power and privileges of the Tigryan nation. And they want to do this top-down undemocratically. That is the central problem.

Although legal resolution of the problem could have been easier, they resorted to political footballing (playing back and forth between the Region and the Federal government) and outright military violence—which has ultimately led to the recent uprising in Gonder. Consequently, the demand has been met with repressive violence almost at every turn. The coordinators, conscious residents, and activists have been routinely harassed and intimidated, arrested, detained, beaten or otherwise abused by local government officials. There are reports that several people – sometimes claimed to be over a hundred – are subjected to enforced disappearance in these localities. Their right to freely assemble, associate, and organize on the matter has been brutally suppressed. The coordinators complain that they couldn’t even hold a public meeting to gather petitions. They charge that their constitutional rights to freedom of assembly, association, petition, and more are consistently violated by the local and regional government. As a result, they had to rely on local self-help associations and restaurants, cafes, market places to have the petition signed. But they were followed by security officials wherever they go. They were even arrested in Addis Abeba while they were on a mission to submit their demand to the House of Federation (HoF).

The coordinators say that [they] had better freedom in the neighbouring Gonder city where they organized a couple of public meeting for the residents of the city as well as the people from their localities. Most of the mobilizers and the activists were in safer Gonder when the security forces came to arrest them on July 12th which provoked so much anger from the residents of the wider Gonder.

The outburst in Gonder should be understood in context: a long held resentment against the general frustration with the democratic exercise owing to the general closure of the political space and people’s deprivation of any avenue of having a say; the perceived privilege of Tigryans living in the city and in the wider country; the perceived cession of a legitimately Ethiopian (Gondere) territory to the neighbouring Sudan; the unfair economic exploitation of the area that historically belonged to Gonder; the perceived mishandling of the Qemant question and the trauma socially experienced because of the deadly conflict that ensued therefrom; and the long-held anger about the incorporation of the Wolkayit area into Tigray without their consent in the first place.

Following the recent protest, heavily armed security forces were seen roaming the city of Gondar. Photo: Social media

AS – The government is repeatedly saying the protest has nothing to do with Wolkayit’s identity question. But we have, if you like, a government that first introduced a federal system in which Ethiopia will be celebrated as a multi-nation state, but why do you think is this same government trying to distort the truth now and distance itself from it?

TA –The Ethiopian government is caught in a deadly paradox. On the one hand, it projects an image of a multinational federal state in which, at least in theory, ALL groups have the right to self-determination. On the other hand, it subscribes to a political practice that represses all rights of groups as well as individuals. Denial of group rights is often justified on the basis of the wrong claim that the question of group rights (alias known as the National Question) is fully and finally addressed through the constitution in 1995. Denial of individual rights is often justified in the name of ‘legal limits’ or by claiming that the violation of the result of lack of good governance, development, and the imperfection of a young democracy. The contradiction between its projected image and its political practice, the tension between the legal rhetoric and the political reality, couldn’t anymore be contained. Hence, the almost total inability to address just demands of the people. The contradiction demonstrates the unsustainable tension between the pretension of the regime to practice “democratic federalism” on the one hand and its abysmal performance in ensuring democratic opening and in enhancing federalist accommodation of diversities. The failure to address this issue is the final and perhaps the most conclusive example of the limits of the regime pretension both in terms of democratizing the state and decentralized exercise of state power.

AS – There are voices that strongly claim that the aftermath of the protest (the burning of buses and business establishments belonging to a particular ethnic group – the Tigrayans in Gondar) is, in the first place, the result of the current Ethiopian constitution that introduced what’s commonly known as “ethnic federalism.” As an expert on constitutionalism, what’s your take on that?

TA – No, if anything, it is refusal to implement the promises of multinational federalism that led to this crisis. It seems to me that the crisis is caused by the absence of federalism of any sort rather than too much of it as the regime’s critics say. If the regime adheres to the type of federalism that it proclaimed, responding to the demands of self-definition would have been the simplest of responsibilities to discharge. In multinational federalism one has more resources than could address the right to self-definition and preservation of one’s local, ethnic, or national identity. If anything, this is a demonstration of the need for a more aggressive implementation of the right to self-determination that the Ethiopian multinational federation endorses. Negatively, it exposed the regime’s democratic pretensions thereby showing how a federalism without democracy becomes an instance of the abuse of cultural pluralism. It confirmed to us the pattern that suggests that without democracy, federalism tends to degenerate into ‘bad’ pluralism (among which apartheid is an outstanding example).

 AS – Once again, the government seems to have hit another dead end with the people of Ethiopia, this time through the people of Wolkayit. What should the government do next to deal with the people of Wolkayit?

TA –Yes. It could have handled it better. It had all the constitutional-legal resources it could deploy to handle it better. The solution is not easy but fairly uncomplicated: first, restore peace. Release the activists. Remove the army. Stop the harassment, the arrest, and enforced disappearances. Secondly, allow the people to decide on their identity (if they are Amhara or Tigray). This can be done by a referendum as per the words of the constitution and Proclamation 250/2001. This satisfies the question of self-definition. The demography settles it. The option that gets most of the votes will win. Thirdly, allow the people to decide to which region (Tigray or Amhara) they want to be incorporated into. If the decision of the majority is to be part of the Amhara region, then deal with the issues of inter-state borders and issues related to that. If the decision is to remain in Tigray, then deal with the issue of the rights of those who wanted out. If the decision is to be by themselves, then, depending on whether they submit a demand for a separate statehood in the federation, conduct another referendum to decide on statehood. Whichever way you want to go, the basic principle is simple: listen to the demands of the people and respect their choices. Period.

‪#‎FXG‬ Uummatni Keenya ( Oromoon) Biyya Keessa Diina Waliin Hudhee Wal-qabaa jiraachuun isaa nu Oromoo mitii Addunyaati ifa dha. Kunis erga eegalee Baatii Saddetattafaa Keessa jira.
Har’as akkuma guyya calqabee sanatti itti muddee jira . Fknf ‪#‎Ambo‬ , Jaldu, Ginci, Gindeberat, Asaboot, Yabelloo, Walumaa galatti Wallaga bakkoota adda addaatti qeerroon fincila xumura garbummaa eegale itti fufee jira. Kuni Mirga Boortan dhabe boortaan argachuuf dirqame.
Haata’u malee ‪#‎Oromoon‬ Daspooraa Maaltu seene akka Bishaan Waciitii irraa diila’llaa’ee jira. Maalif? Haaxiqqaatus haaguddatus hiree biyya oromaa kan inni itti argate maquma Uummata Kanaa fi Maqaa Adda Bilissummaa Oromooti. Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo yeroo jennu kan qabsootti cichee diree fi bosona oromiyaa keessa Dhagaa Boraafatee, Firii Mukaa nyaatee jiru ta’uun wal-nama hin gaafachiisu . Jaallawwan keenya kan waliin irbuu seene sana fedhii adda addaa horachuun hirraanfachuu hin qabnu .
‪#‎Foon‬ lafa jira Allaattiin Samii irratti wal- lolti jedha oromoon . Maalis ta’u fardii kan ta’uu qabu diina Uummata Keenya dugda kutee itti roorrisaa jiru irratti wal-taane qeerro cina daabbachuun fardiidha. ‪#‎Hiriirri‬ Diphilomaasii addaan cituu hin qabu. Uummatni hireesa ba’aa waan jiruuf‪#‎Daaspooraanis‬ itti fufuu qaba. Yoo kana ta’uu baate bori wal- taajjabbiitu dhalata.
Injifannoo Uummata Oromoof! Via  Tolcha Jabeessa Gurmessa

‪#‎Oromoprotests‬ Qeerroon Oromoo tan shawa lixaa Alaabaa Oromoo, Alaaba Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) bifa kanaan dhabani jiru Via Sirkanan Ahmed

Children and their families travel up to ten hours to get to Qacha Chalu Water Point in central Ethiopia. Across Ethiopia, millions of children are struggling to cope with food insecurity, lack of water, disease and threats to their education and safety. After two years of erratic rainfall and drought in some countries, one of the most powerful El Niño weather events for 50 years is wreaking havoc on lives and livelihoods. There is no water where these children live so they have no choice but to undertake a long and difficult journey, several times a week, with their cattle – often waiting for another eight hours in the heat to queue for pump, before making the journey home. The water is hot and salty and children drink from the same trough as their animals. Mothers report that children have diarrhoea and back pains but there is no alternative; this is the only water source for miles. Qacha Chalu Water Point, Dhebtiti Kabele, Fantale Woreda, East Shoa Zone. Via UNICEF Ethiopia

21/7/2016 tuutni qeerroo magaalaa Awwadaay hanga gumaan obboleeyyan keenyaa bilisummaan kafalamutti qabsoo FXG kan itti fufan tahuu murteeyfatan Via Oromo Sinbon

ሰበር መረጃ – በሕወሃት የመከላከያ ሰራዊት ዉስጥ የነበረዉ ጉምጉምታ ወደ ተግባራዊ ተቃውሞና ፍጥጫ ተሸጋገረ

በልኡል አለም

የወታደራዊ ፖለቲካ መምሪያ እና የፕሮፓጋንዳ ክፍሎች ምንጭ እንደሚያመለክተዉ በሰሞኑ ጎንደር ላይ የተገደሉትን የመከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት ወደ ትዉልድ ቦታቸዉ ተወስደዉ በክብር መቀበራቸዉ ተንተርሶ በሰራዊቱ ዉስጥ ቅራኔ ተፈጥሯል!

ይህዉም፣

1. ከሟቾች ዉስጥ ትግሬ የሆኑ አባላት ስላሉበት ነዉ የቀብሩ ስነ ስረአት በክብር የተከናወነዉ።

2. ዉስጥ ዉስጡን የሚሰራ የብሔር ማናከሱ ደባ በአማራ የተገደሉ ትግሬዎች ናቸዉና ትግሬ የሆንክ ሁሉ ለዘላቂ የመኖርህ ሕልዉናህ ስትል ከህወሃት ጋር እስከ ሞት ድረስ ቁም የሚል የጽንፍ መልእክት ለማስተላለፍ ተፈልጎ ነዉ።

የሚሉ ሲሆን ሰራዊቱ በሶማሌያ፣ በኤርትራ፣ በኦጋዴን፣ በአፋር፣ በጋንቤላ፣ በቤንሻንጉል፣ በኦሮሚያ ክልል እና በተለያዩ የቦርደር አካባቢዎች ሲገደል ወይም ሲሰዋ የመከላከያ አባላቶቱ ከነመፈጠራቸዉም ስማቸዉ ተነስቶ አይታወቅም።

ይህ ለምንና እንዴት እንደሆነ ባለስልጣናት የሆኑ የሕወሃት አመራሮች ሲጠየቁ “ሕወሃት ከጅምሩ ወታደሮችን በሞቱበት ስፍራ የመቅበር ባሕል አላት” ብለዉ ይቀልዳሉ በማለት ማጉረምረሙ ወደ ቅራኔ እየተቀየረ መምጣቱን ምንጮች ጠቁመዋል።

በተያያዘ ዜና በአሁኑ ወቅት በጎንደር የተከሰተዉን የህዝብ የመከላከል እርምጃ ተንተርሶ ሕወሃት ከፍተኛ ስጋት ላይ የወደቀ ሲሆን በተጨማሪ በዚህ ሁለት ቀናት ዉስጥ በጎረቤት ሀገር ቦርደር አካባቢ የህወሃት 24ተኛ ክ/ጦር ድንገተኛ ጥቃት ደርሶበታል።

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ in Dinqu Village, Hirn town, West Hararge July 21, 2016
================
Guyyaa har’aa Magaalaa Hirnaa ganda Dinquu keessatti hiriirri erga godhamee boodaa waraanni ganda keessa deemee ummata hiraarsaa jira. via Daraaraa Sabaa

Godina Wallaggaa Waamaa Hagaloo magaalaa Qassoo keessatti fincilli Xumura garbummaa itti fufee jira!

(Qeerroo) — Adoolessa 21,2016 ,Fincilli Xumura Garbummaa Magaalaa Qassoo jedhamtu keessatti itti fufe. Ka’umsi fincilicha poolisooti hawaasa nagaa gabaa tti daldalachuuuf ba’e reebuu fi cunqursuutti erga ka’anii oolee kan bubbule yeroo ta’u , fincila kanarraa kan ka’e qeerroo fi hawaasi magaalaa poolisoota lama Taammiruu fi Gulummaa kan jedhaman irratti tarkaanfii fudhateen, poolisootni kun gara hospitalatti fudhatamaniiru!

Yeroo ammaa kana humni waraanaa magaala Kanatti bobbaafamuun hawaasaa barbaadan saamaa gidirsaa akka jiranis beekameera Fincila Kanaafis Qeerroon bakkicha magaalota olla jiraniif akkasumas gandoota badiyyaatiif waamicha fincila xumuraa garbummaa dhiyeessuu isaanii odeessi qeerroo ibseera.

Godina Arsii lixaa magaalaa Seeroftaa keessatti waraanni Wayyaanee ummata Oromoo mirga ufiif falmachuuf sochii godhu doorsisaa fi reebichaan ukkaamsaa jiraachuu Qeerroon gabaase

(Qeerroo) — Godina Arsii lixaa magaalaa Seeroftaa keessatti waraanni Wayyaanee ummata Oromoo mirga ufiif falmachuuf sochii godhu doorsisaa fi reebichaan ukkaamsaa kan jiruufi guyyaa kaleessaa Adooleessa 20 2016 halkan dargaggoota hedduu hiriiraf ummata yaasuf yaalii godhaa jirtu jechuun mana manarra deemee mana hidhaatti guuraa turuun dhagayame dargaggoota mana hidhaa maagala seeroftaatti guuraman keessaa ammaf kan maqaan isaanii nu gahe.

1, Muhaammad Adam
2, Huseen Awwal
3, Amiin Waariyoo
4 Husiyyaa Dhaqaboo
5, Jeylaan Aloo fi Qamar Muhaammad jedhamu.

Karaa biraatin magaalaa shirkaa keessatti Adoolessa 20 216 galgala polisiin feederaalaa ummata reebaa buluun kan dhagahame yoo ta,uu namoota galgaleeffatanii gara manaa galan reebaa turuu fi ummanni magaalattii yeroo ammaa dheekkamsa keessa jira , Arsii bahaa magaalaa sireetti Adoolessa 19 2016 basaasummarrati bobba,anAmaan Jundii fi Baqqalaaa Urgeessaa namoota jedhaman tarkaafii irratti fudhatameen magaalaa dheeraattii yaalamaa jiraachun himame.

Artist Birraatuu Lammaa du’aan boqotee jira. Artistii Birraatuun bakka dhaloota isaa Godina Horroo Guduruu Wallaggaa Aanaa Jimmaa Raaree ganda Tattafataa Tulluu Maraatti kaleessaa Adooleessa 20, 2016 addunyaa kan irra boqqotaniru. Sirni awwalcha isaanii boru gaafa Adoolessa 22, 2016 Walda Ortoodoxii Mikaa’ela Goobanitti rawwata. Waaqni maatiifi firoota isaaf jajjabina haa laatu jenna.

Aritis Birraatun sirboota beekamuun keessaa kan armaan gadii kana yaadattan jennee abdanna.

Yaa baallee sarariitii
maal yaadaa bulaniitii
namni yartuun nama miiti

Marii TV Oromiyaa waliin godhan kanas laalaa Via Deebisaa Gadaa Maccaa

Biraantuu lammii (bitaatti kan argamu)

sabbontu intala hamelmaal abaate kanaaf “like” isiin madaalu naaf kennaaf gaafa wallen afaan oromotti akka carraatti arggamu turetti sagale fi jeedala nama hawwatuun wallisaa tirte “I LIKE HER” hamelmal namni hin beeyne nixiqaata Via Nasser Adem Abdo‎ 

Migrants taking shelter from the heat in the town of Fantahero, Djibouti. Ethiopian migrants withstand harsh conditions and harsh treatment on the journey to Saudi Arabia. PHOTOGRAPH BY LEX NIARCHOS

By Nicolas Niarchos

(The New Yorker) — The other day, on the outskirts of Fantahero, a small village in the desert of northern Djibouti, Sebhatou Mellis was sheltering from a-hundred-and-four-degree heat in the shade of an acacia tree. Mellis, who is twenty-six and has the rangy build of a runner, was about a thousand miles away from his home, in the impoverished Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. There, he and his family had taken a government loan to help improve his farm, tried to invest it, and failed, he told me. “At the end, the money was finished, and all the people began to insult us and say that we took the money from the government and used it badly,” he said.

Mellis had come to Fantahero four days earlier, walking and hitching rides through the Danakil Desert with about a dozen other Tigrayans, a journey that took them about three weeks. Mellis’s ultimate destination, he hopes, will be Saudi Arabia, where, if he’s lucky, he’ll be able to work illegally. To get there, he will have to cross the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which separates the Middle East from the Horn of Africa, and navigate his way through war-torn Yemen. “I left to repay my debts, not to die,” he said. “But if I die, at least I will liberate myself from poverty.”

The route through Djibouti and Yemen to Saudi Arabia is an ancient one. Some seventy thousand years ago, early man left Africa across the Bab el-Mandeb. The migration began the process by which modern humans settled the Eurasian continent. The historical connection between this part of Africa and the Middle East stretches through history. Fifteen hundred years ago, the Ethiopian Aksumite Empire extended into the modern Middle East and controlled parts of Yemen.

The modern flow of people to the Middle East waxes and wanes as wars and crises afflict the countries surrounding Djibouti. Over the past decade, though, the number of migrant arrivals in Yemen from the Horn of Africa has increased more than threefold, to about ninety-two thousand last year. That figure is small compared with the million or so irregular entries into Europe last year, but the journey is made more difficult by the harsh conditions crossing the desert. Most of the migrants crossing from Djibouti are Ethiopian, from the Oromia and Tigray regions, though some are from Somalia, which has been locked in civil war since 1991.

In Ethiopia, global warming and the El Niño heating effect in the Pacific have contributed to the worst drought in decades. Livestock is rapidly dying, and more than ten million people are now in need of food assistance. Mellis says that poverty and the lack of agricultural equipment contribute to the problem. “We have the farms, but we don’t have suitable equipment to develop them and stay there and eat from our own farms,” he said. “In our place, there’s no irrigation for the farms and there are no water holes. If we had water, I would have planted many things, like tomatoes and vegetables, and I would be able to live in my own land.” There are occasional bursts of ethnic violence and reprisals by state security officers. Since the end of last year, government forces in Oromia have killed around two hundred people who were protesting a development plan that they believed would cut them out.

Once the Ethiopian migrants leave home, they risk being arrested by their own government. About a hundred and seventy thousand Ethiopians were deported by Saudi Arabia between 2013 and 2014, and Ethiopia responded with a ban on labor movement. (Negotiations have stalled because Ethiopia has asked for a minimum wage for its laborers of about twelve hundred riyals, a little more than three hundred dollars a month. The Saudi government will only agree to pay seven hundred riyals.) The migrants often have to endure days or even weeks of trekking through the desert. Even at the most blistering hours of the day, people with little more than flip-flops on their feet and empty plastic bottles in their hands, which they hope friendly passersby will refill, make the walk between Lake Assal, in Djibouti’s west, to Fantahero, in the east. “It’s something that you cannot imagine,” Mellis said, of the walk through the desert. “But you think about the reasons why you are making the journey.”

In Fantahero, a village of traditional aris, huts made from fabric and palm mats by the local Afar people, the migrants wait beneath the acacia trees for smugglers who will take them across the sea. Sometimes they live like this for weeks, taking water from points set up by the International Organization for Migration, which also houses some people coming through. The I.O.M. has twelve full-time staff members in the town of Obock, near Fantahero, who describe the dangers of continuing on to the Gulf and ask migrants to consider turning back. The organization also helps them return home if they have a change of heart.

Ali al-Jefri, the manager of the I.O.M.’s center in the town of Obock, said that few of the migrants—no more than a fifth of them—decide to turn back once they have reached Djibouti. I asked Mellis whether he was scared to cross Yemen, and whether he thought of returning to Ethiopia. “Of course I’m afraid, but if I arrive I will have the opportunity to have a better life,” Mellis told me, almost angrily. “Why should I go back? How will I pay my debts and my travel bills?”

The journey across the sea to Yemen, which costs migrants about a hundred and forty dollars, is one of the safer parts of their trip, if they manage to find an adequate boat. Unfortunately, many of the ships are small, old, and do not have adequate equipment to make the crossing. Groups of migrants can find themselves stranded at sea until they are picked up by the Djiboutian Coast Guard. Many of the migrants cannot swim, and the Bab el-Mandeb is known for rough seas; almost three and a half thousand have died making the crossing in the past ten years. The dangers at sea, however, hardly compare to what they will face when they get to Yemen.

Since March of last year, Yemen has been in a grinding civil war, between Houthi rebels and the government of Abdo Rabo Mansour Hadi, who is backed by Saudi Arabia. The fighting has been brutal in many parts of the country: almost seven thousand people have lost their lives in the fighting, and large parts of cities have been flattened by bombing and rocket attacks. The conflict, however, has not deterred the migrants. “Some of them, especially the women, don’t have any awareness that there’s a conflict in Yemen,” Fatouma Ali, a nurse who works with the I.O.M. in Fantahero, told me. Petra Neumann, the temporary head of the I.O.M. in Djibouti, said that the number of migrants was going up despite the civil war in Yemen, and perhaps even because of it. “We also see, actually, an increasing number of people who are still going from Ethiopia through Djibouti, through Yemen, trying to reach the Gulf States,” she said. “What we can tell is that either they’re not even aware that there is a conflict in Yemen, or that they actually—and maybe this is something the traffickers tell them—think that they can use the conflict in their favor.”

Many Ethiopian migrants have been shot and wounded by groups in Yemen, or kidnapped and detained when they arrived in the country because they couldn’t afford to pay smugglers. Mellis said that he had not brought money to cross Yemen, though he estimated that the trip would cost him around five hundred and thirty dollars; he would ask his family to send him the money as the need arises, he told me. Situations like these are particularly dangerous. “In Yemen, if you don’t have the money, you’ll be detained, you’ll be beaten, your family will be made to send you money,” Jefri said. In the previous month, the I.O.M. had helped negotiate the release of twelve hundred and fifty migrants who had been imprisoned by Houthi rebels, he told me. Many of them were in bad shape. “So many of them whom we have evacuated had broken limbs, broken legs, broken hands,” he said.

Neumann and Jefri both told me that some of the rescued women reported that they had been sold into sexual slavery in Yemen and in Saudi Arabia. Neumann added that she suspected that human-trafficking rings could be moving women through Djibouti. “When you go to Obock, you see men walking, but you wouldn’t see women walking. Women are usually on trucks. For me, that looks quite organized,” she said. Those Ethiopians who do arrive and find work in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries often have their passports taken away by their employers, which is a violation of international labor conventions, and are subjected to debt slavery, beatings, and other forms of abuse. Some are forced to work extremely long shifts and are not given days off. Still, “there are opportunities,” Mellis told me. “They’re not satisfying, but we can take it in turns—someone could work today and someone else could take his place tomorrow. It’s better than nothing, I will be waiting for that.” He was going to Saudi Arabia, he said, “to change my life.” Once he earns enough money there, he plans to return to Ethiopia.

The Ethiopians I met in Fantahero are planning to immigrate to Saudi Arabia illegally. There are periodic mass expulsions from the country, which, according to reports by Human Rights Watch, are often violent. Recently, Ethiopians have been deported from the Kingdom back to Yemen instead of being deported home, according to the I.O.M. There, they once again face the dangers of the war and detention by rival militias. All of this, of course, depends on whether they can even make it to Saudi Arabia. In a Trumpian gesture, the Saudis are building a thousand-mile-long wall along their southern border with Yemen. Jefri told me that he thought the construction project would have little effect. “It’s not going to stop people migrating,” he said. “They’ll always find a way to get to Saudi Arabia.”

Live chickens as well as compounds extracted from chicken feathers were used in the experiments. KASSAHUN JALETA

(BBC News) — The smell from a live chicken could help protect against malaria, researchers have found.

Ethiopian and Swedish scientists discovered that malarial mosquitoes tend to avoid chickens and other birds.

The experiments, conducted in western Ethiopia, included suspending a live chicken in a cage near a volunteer sleeping under a bed net.

Last year malaria killed nearly 400,000 people in Africa, the UN says.

Infection and death rates are declining but health officials are continuing to look for new ways to prevent the spread of the disease.

The malaria parasite, which initially hides in the liver before going into the bloodstream, is carried from person to person by mosquitoes when they drink blood.

The scientists, whose research was published in the Malaria Journal, concluded that as mosquitoes use their sense of smell to locate an animal they can bite there must be something in a chicken’s odour that puts the insects off.

Addis Ababa University’s Habtie Tekie, who worked on the research, said that the compounds from the smell of the chicken can be extracted and could work as a repellent.

Field trials for this stage of the research are now “in the pipeline”, he told the BBC.

Mosquitoes identify potential hosts using their sense of smell

Researchers from the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences were also involved in the project.

Compounds extracted from chicken feathers were also used in the experiments, as well as live chickens.

Researchers discovered that the use of the chicken and the compounds “significantly reduced” the number of mosquitoes that were found in the trap nearby.

The scientists say that with reports that some mosquitoes are developing resistance to insecticide “novel control methods” need to be embraced.

Via Caalaa Hayiluu Abaataa

Mee nama meeqatu gootota keenya ummata isaaniif wareegamaa lubbuu isaanii kaffalan kana jaallataa?
1. Taaddasaa Birruu
2. Waaqoo Guutuu
3. Agarii Tulluu
4. Elemoo Qilxuu
5. Abiishee Garbaa
6. Laggasaa Wagii
7. Huseen Bunee
8. Bakar Waaree
9. Eebbisaa Addunyaa
10. Baayisaa Taaddasaa
11. Magarsaa Barii
12. Gadaa Gammadaa
13. Baaroo Tumsaa
14. Abboomaa Mitikkuu
15. Geetuu Dirribaa
16. Dirribee Jifaar
17. Jaagamaa Badhaanee
18. Tigist Maammoo
19. Alamuu Qixxeessaa
20. Oliiqaa Dingil
21. Kabbadaa Buzunash
22. Abdataa Olaansaa
23. Gaaddisaa Hirphasaa
24. Kumaala Guddisaa
25. Abdiisaa Guutuu
26. Maammoo Mazaammir
27. Roobaa Buttaa
28. Abdiisaa Agaa
29. Leenjisoo Diggaa
30. Tasfaahuun Camadaa
31. Hajii Adaam Saaddoo
32. Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa
33. Mul’ataa Fayyisoo
34. Guddinaa Tumsaa
35. Guutamaa Hawaas
36. Amiir Abdulfattaah
37. Haayilee Fidaa
38. Usmaayyoo Mussaa
39. Geexee Tafarii
40. Garasuu Dhukii
41. Sheek-Bakarii Saphaloo
42. Dagaa Doonee
43. Alamaayyoo Garbaa
44. Jaarsoo Waaqoo
45. Huseen Abbaa Bulguu
46. Abbaa Faaroo
47. Badhaadhaa Darmoo
48. Muhammad Baladee
49. Nuur-Yisaaq Dhaddee
50. Dabalaa Oliiqaa
51. Malaakuu Tafarraa
52. Hayilaamariyaam Gammadaa
53. Argaaw Dinqaa
54. Daraaraa Kafanii
55. Kabbadaa Badhaasaa
56. Lachiisaa Fullaasaa
57. Habtaamuu Baayyataa
58. Katamaa Xaafaa
59. Nuuressaa Girmaa
60. Hayilee Dastaa
61. Ayyaantuu Boranaa
62. Milkeessaa Gadaa
63. Raggasaa Haayiluu
64. Musxafaa Huseen
65. Tolasaa Dhufeeraa
66. Nadhii Gammadaa
67. Abdiisa Balchaa
68. Caalii Shoonee
69. Qeerroo Nageesoo
70. Lammeessoo Booruu
71. Raggaasaa Gammadaa
72. Birraa Gammadaa
73. Fayyee Garasuu
74. Guraaraa Lataa
75. Hawaas Gadaa
76. Badhaasaa Dilgaasaa
77. Mulluu Wasaanu
78. Mul’isaa Gadaa
79. Badhoo Dachaasa
80. Dr-Tarrafaa W/tsaadiq
81. Kabbadaa Dirribaa
82. Iyyoob Taaddasaa
83. Lammaa Fidaa
84. Shimallis Olaanaa
85. Mariid Kabbadaa
86. Asaffaa Namarraa
87. Axinaaf yimaam
88. Kumalaa Karoorsaa
89. Diimaa Guddinaa
90.Musxafaa Huseen goota bara kana agaazii 5 lafarraa haxaawee fi kkkf. kana qofas miti gootonni keenya hedduun hafanis, kan hafan isin itti guutaa!
‪#‎Like‬, fi ‪#‎Share‬ walii gochuun agarsiistuu oromummaati!

By Dr. Baaroo Keno Deressa

(Ayyaantuu) — In medical terminology diagnostic means the act of identifying a disease, illness, or problem by examining someone or something. Diagnosis is a statement or conclusion that describes the reason for a disease, illness, or problem. Treatment is the remedie to cure the disease.

The Oromo people are the forefront champion of peace and nonviolent nation in Ethiopian empire. The powerful evidence of these fact is the way of life that Oromo people exercise: Oromo means peace, Oromo means love, Oromo means equality, Oromo means democracy, Oromo means generosity, Oromo means honesty, Oromo means transparency, Oromo means happiness, Oromo means OLF, OLF means Oromo.  Despite all unhuman atrocities against the Oromo people by Ethiopian colonialist leaders, the Oromo nation committed to defend his qualities. The Oromo people paid/paying enormous sacrifice to be free in his own country and free from brutality of the colonizers to exercise his golden gifts (mentioned above).

To mention some of the Oromo people struggle to defend his qualities:

• Raya and Azebo during 1928-30
• Bale revolt led by hero of the Oromo people general Waqo Guutu in 1960^th
• Mecha-Tulema movement led by hero of the Oromo people general Tadesse Biru in 1965
• OLF leadership with popular mass movement and imprinting Oromummaa
• Qube generations supported by Qeerroo leadership with historic mobilization of the Oromo people.

This paper try to explore the current ongoing peace movement led by some Oromo political organization:

My question is who deny the peace? 
Who reject the democracy?
Who promote hate?

Who is mother of greediness? ….the answer to all this question is the Ethiopian empire leaders. If really the Ethiopian empire elite try to implement the true peace for all oppressive nation they have to come to the Oromo people and other nations with reconciliation and peace plan (because they are the master of the disaster). But, the Oromo leaders has to concentrate further  mobilization of Oromummaa to defend his qualities instead of touring around the western world to promote Ethiopianst agenda. So, the history teach Oromo people, the way of the Ethiopian empire approach brought us again and again death award before the war is started. 

The Ethiopian empire (TPLF majesty) Constitution is theoretically sweat but in practice its bitterness is remarkable:

• It says federalism: but act in a unitary fashion by brushing aside all the divisions of powers between different levels of federation.
• Federation resource and power control is according to the constitution in the hand of regional state but in practice in the hand of TPLF junta.
• Constitutionally respect of democracy. While most of Oromo’s support the principles of democracy such as the forming of government based on the will of the majority, respect for the rule of law, and respect for basic freedoms of citizens, the fact remains that in practice, we have tended to have TPLF military rule.
• Sharing power at the different levels of government from all nations are constitutionally guaranteed, but in practice all key powers are in the hands of TPLF militia’s.

The essential difference between Ethiopian empire leaders and Oromo people is:

One of the greatest challenges of Ethiopian empire leaders is fail to understand the Oromo people. Oromo people is a nation who was created by God for good.  A nation who believe in managing political and social disputes peacefully, without lapsing into conflict, or sustain economic growth without creating huge inequalities and respect the rule of law. To do that, setting the rules; hiring persons with the technical expertise and moral competence to interpret the rules or implement the goals of the organizations; and ensuring that the institutions inspire public confidence by being transparent, fair and consistent.  But the Ethiopian elite assume this golden gift of Oromo people as ignorance and naïve. That is why the play dirty game always when the Oromo people struggle come to the boiling point.

The real question is why has the task of consensus-building been so difficult among Oromo leaders in order to build our nation. The Oromo people have enormous human and natural resources, patriotic aspirations, let us look at three critical areas:

1-Threats and challenges posed by colonizers and international force: Colonizers claim that there were no Oromo nations exist before and there is no future existence. International force acknowledge that Oromia is the heart of Ethiopia, so their fear is that, if the existence of Oromia become real the imminent death of Ethiopia is guaranteed.
2) The quality of leadership that has confronted these challenges: Our leaders are changed/changing their tactic and strategy time to time due to the enormous pressure by internal and external forces.
3) The fragility of the Oromo political organizations: Some of the Oromo political Organizations are structurally weak, historically poor, their determination is measured by their personal happiness, ego and pocket instead of promoting their people interest; vision less and  guided by dormant leaders.

Nations are an important part of a modern society. Nations just don’t happen by historical accident; rather they are built by men and women with vision and resolve. Nation-building is therefore the product of conscious statecraft, not happenstance.  Nation-building is always a work-in-progress; a dynamic process in constant need of nurturing and re-invention. Nation-building never stops and true nation-builder never rest because all nations are constantly facing up to new challenges. Nation-building is therefore about building the tangible and intangible threads that hold a political entity together and gives it a sense of purpose.

What is to be done?

Historical experience teaches us that a successful struggle against a colonial state depends on the linking of the socio-economic struggles that engage the attention of the masses with the pro-democracy, freedom fighters, intellectuals with diverse professionalism.

Yes I agree with respected hero of the Oromo people Mr Bekele Gerba who says we have to persistent in demanding and defending our right in our land and in our backyard. So dear brothers and sisters at this critical point instead of continuing this aspiration of our hero at this boiling point, touring in the western country in the name of peace, it seems to me ignoring historic quality of Oromummaa.

Here is my proposition:

-Call our mothers to take her cooking material and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our brothers and sisters to take their torture signs on their body and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our students to take their pen and paper to come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our farmers to take their farming tools and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our doctors to take their white coat and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our lawyers to take the article of respect the rule of law and come to the finfinne palace
-Call our nurses to take the infusion material and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call our politicians to take the truth of Oromo people and their deeds in defending
their people to Finfinnee palace
-Call our rich people to take their heart and mind and throw their fear in the garbage and come to the Finfinnee palace
-Call all defenders of human rights and peace lovers to take flag of peace and come to the Finfinnee palace.
-Call our elderly and sick people to lay down in front of their doors

If we are working to this end we will unify the fighting forces and peace movement and unity of  our people to enhance our freedom and freedom of all oppressive nations.

I would like to end my letter by reiterating that nations are built by men and women who have the will and vision to accomplish greatness, not for themselves, their immediate families and friends, but for their country.  I believe that if we can find the will to offer such a leadership, and support it by strong and dependable political and economic institutions, we will find a way to our national greatness.

Victory to the Oromo people!

Dr. Baaroo Keno Deressa is a  medical doctor studied internal medicine. Specialized in gastro-hepatology disease. He can be reached: bkderessa@gmail.com

From File. Addis Ababa University honored Bill Gates in 2014

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (AP) – Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates has declined to criticize Ethiopia’s recent blockage of social media, saying it is up to individual countries to regulate their internet.

‪#‎Oromooprotests‬
DHAAMSA HATATTAMAA QEEYROO ASABOOT IRRAA
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
NUTI ILMAAN ABBAA TOKKOOTI GOSUMMAA FII IBIDDAANIIS WAL HIN QOONNU.
Akkuma bekkamu ulee fi hidhaa yeroo amma nurra jirru ni beytan.Kana kan gaggessa jiru warabessa kantibaa jadhamu ABDULAKIM USMAN GURRACHA fi jala demtuu isatti. Kessattu yeroo amma tana akka tokkumman keenya fashalaa’u dubbii gara gosummaan wal qoodutti akka dabartu godhee jira.

Adoolessa 22/2016
Warraaqsi biyyaalessaa yeroo ammaa harargee Awwadaayittti dhoohee jira.
Abbaan biyyaa ABO dha
Gabrummaan hin bullu jechuun qeerron Awwadaay dhaadannoo dhageessisaa jirti. Via Oromiyaa Harmeekoo

Adoolessa 22,2016) Godina Arsii keessatti farreenii fi lukkeelee basaasota diinaa ta’an irratti tarkaanfiin adabbii jabaatee itti fufe.
Akka maddeen ibsanitti Arsii Bahaa magaalaa Sireetti Adoolessa 19,2016 basaasummaa irratti bobba’uun warraaqsa ummata Oromoo FXGtti gufuu kan ta’an Amaan Jundii fi Baqqalaaa Urgeessaa namoota jedhaman irratti tarkaafiin fudhatameera.
Basaasotni kunniin magaalaa Dheeraattii yaalamaa jiraachunis himameera. Via Gadaa Araaraa

#‎OromoProtests‬ Oolmaa Mormii Magaala Taltallee Godinaa Boorana Guyyaa Hardha Adolessa 21, 2016! Via Hangasuu Mohammed Wado

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ oduu naannoo godina Iluubabor.asa baate.

”Oduu naannoo keenyatti FXG ilaalchisee godina ilubabor magaala daarimmu keessatti ummatni tokkummaqn ba’uun gaaffii abbaa biyyummaa isaa mirkaneeffachuu gaafatee jira. Haaluma kanaan waraanni mootummaa namni sadii kan du’an yoo ta’u uummata keessaa garuu kan due hanga yonaa yoo hin jiraatinis garuu namni hedduun mana yaalaa akka seenan himame.kanaaf kun fincila guyyaa haraa deemsifamaa ooldha kanaaf akka qilleensarra nuuf oolchitu kabajaan iin gaafanna dirqama” lammummaa wajjin. Via Hassan Ismail

‪#‎OromoProtests‬ Oduu halkan edaa July 21, 2016 karaa keessaatiin na qaqqabde.
::::::::::::::::::::::::::.
”Hi hassan akkam jirta nagaadha? Ani ….. jedhama.kaniin jiraadhu lixa shawa magaala ginciiti. Siifin bareessa jedhen ture garuu conection wan hinnjirref ture. Akkuma beekamu hara magaala ginciifi naanno ishe kan akka magala xiqqo mogor keessatti woraana cimaatu ademsifamuu jira. Worana motumma garasanatti bobbae oraali 12 caala. Polisin federala hanga ani argefi dhagaetti nama 6 due kanadaemmoo gara nama 18 caalu jedhamee yaadama. Ummata keessaas kan du’e hanga ammaatti nama 3.woraana cimaatu geggeffamaa jira. Lolli kun humna woraana WBO ti wajjin yeroo ammaa kana aagalee meeshaa gurguddaatu dhaga’ama jira. Galgala kanallee baayee woraanni cimaadha. Kanaaf akkati waan heddu post godhaa jirtu waanin argeefin siif erge ganamas haala itti bulame ilaaleen siif erga. Jireenyakof waan risk qabuufin iccitiin kara inbox kee siif erge.kan ani amma siif erge kun waan qabatamaafi qulqullaaedha. Adaraa post nuuf godhi nuti qeerron oromoos as biyya keesaa qabsoo finiinsaa jirra information jiru maras isiniin geenya. Bilisummaan uummata” oromoof. Via Hassan Ismail

By Yoseph Badwaza, Program Officer, Africa and
Jennifer Charette, Senior Program Associate, Africa

(Freedom House) — Amid discontent, sometimes violent protests, and a drought of historic proportions that has left more than 15 million Ethiopians in need of urgent food aid, the Ethiopian government is tightening its stranglehold on domestic politics.

In the wake of the large-scale protests that rocked the Oromia region from November to March, the government, led by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has taken a number of measures aimed at stifling dissent. While consistent with EPRDF’s authoritarian posture, these steps are a devastating blow to the country’s independent media and civil society.

Protests in Oromia and growing ethnic tensions in the Amhara and South regions are viewed as indications that EPRDF’s model of governing through complete control over all levels of political and economic life could soon reach its breaking point. The government’s intolerance of alternative political views is pushing the country’s diverse ethnic and political communities to take to the streets to air their grievances.

While the initial trigger for the protests in Oromia was opposition to an unpopular government development plan, the scale and persistence of the protests in the country’s largest and most populous region point to a deeper ethnic discontent after years of misrule. These developments are even more worrisome as deadly protests began to emerge in several parts of the country less than six months after EPRDF and its allies claimed to have won all 547 parliamentary seats in the latest general elections in May 2015.

Ethiopia’s perceived stability and its much-touted role in the global fight against terrorism in the Horn of Africa are at stake if EPRDF continues to ignore the dangers of suppressing citizens’ legitimate demands for inclusive and accountable governance. Any economic progress can only be sustained with a genuine commitment to political reform that adequately responds to the demands of Ethiopia’s diverse political, ethnic, and religious groups for participation at all levels of public life.

Tools of repression tightened

The protests brought a violent response from authorities. In addition toextrajudicial killings of hundreds of protesters in the Oromia and Amhara regions, security forces arrested thousands of students, social media activists, and opposition party leaders and supporters. As protests continue in some parts of Oromia, authorities have filed criminal charges against dozens of Oromo students and political activists under the country’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP). Hundreds more remain in custody without charges.

In response to the role social media played in publicizing human rights violations perpetrated during the protests in Oromia, Ethiopia’s parliament rushed through a cybercrimes law in June. The law stipulates serious penalties for a wide range of online activities and gives authorities greater surveillance and censorship powers that will limit access to information on digital platforms. The adoption of this law followed a shutdown of Facebook, Viber, and WhatsApp in parts of the Oromia region. Authorities also cited social media posts as evidence in criminal charges brought against digital activists. These social media posts were images, videos, and audio recordings made during the protests that documented numerous incidents of heavy-handed response to peaceful demonstrators.

Last week the government publicly stated for the first time that it is blocking these social media applications nationwide, claiming that they are adistraction to students taking university entrance exams.

Civil society under renewed attack

In June, the Charities and Societies Agency, the government body that regulates nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), announced that it hadshut down more than 200 NGOs in the last nine months. The agency cited failure to comply with numerous requirements of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) and lack of funding as reasons for the closures. The announcement followed the agency issuing a directive that seeks to impose penalties for noncompliance with the CSP. By issuing this directive, the agency effectively gave itself quasi-judicial powers in criminal proceedings.

Although it is not clear what triggered this latest directive, the move exacerbates the harsh conditions under which civil society organizations are operating. By paving the way for increased imposition of penalties, the Charities and Societies Agency will further undermine civil society’s ability to operate independently. Furthermore, these measures suggest a reversal of the willingness that the government had shown in the past few years to engage in a dialogue aimed at revising some of the directives previously issued by the agency.

Citizen support for civil society remains strong

While the government continues to take measures that undermine civil society, popular support for civil society remains strong. According to arecent online survey conducted by Freedom House, two-thirds of those polled believe that civil society organizations should engage in human rights and democracy promotion. The survey also found that Ethiopians are unaware of the significant challenges facing civil society and of the crippling effects of the CSP. The survey findings underscore how a blackout of information from independent sources and constrained civic space curtail citizens’ ability to organize and participate in matters that affect their daily lives.

Years of government attacks, relentless smear campaigns, and extremely cumbersome rules and regulatory frameworks have crippled Ethiopia’s civil society. NGOs are denied access to resources and the ability to network with each other and mobilize support. As demand for democratic reforms in Ethiopia gains momentum, a vibrant civil society will be essential. It is therefore critical that, despite the challenges they are facing, NGOs move beyond mere survival and focus on making themselves more accessible, relevant, and accountable to the public, and that their allies at home and abroad support these efforts to build strong constituencies and press ahead for a democratic opening in Ethiopia.

#OromoProtests in Washington DC hearings on Oromo Protest and Ethiopian regime killing students

(OromoPress) — Ms. Urji Dhaba will speak at the thirtieth annual meeting of Oromo Studies Association at Howard University in Washington D.C. on July 30 2016.  She will describe an ordeal that can only be called genocide against the Oromo people of East Africa. Broken in body and robbed of children, her strong Oromo spirit remains unbroken.

She will name her attackers and accuse them of genocide, the Crime of Crimes.

Raphael Lemkin described genocide as,” a coordinated plan aimed at destruction of the essential foundations of the life of national groups…”  Genocide studies pioneer Lemkin says that although genocide is meant to destroy the nation as a whole, attacks are often directed at individuals who belong to the group.  The attack may be as quick as a bullet, or as slow as starvation or tactics to prevent births.

The difficulty lies in the wording of the UN Genocide Convention, the international law that governs whether genocide, rather than human rights abuse, has occurred. This law requires that the criminal act must be performed with the intent to wipe out the group. Successful destruction of the group is not required; it is the hateful desire, the single-minded wish to destroy the group by destroying the person.

Miss Dhaba will testify to the fact that the acts her torturers in Missile Camp prison was accompanied by hate speech against the Oromo nation. She was told that she would never bear Oromo children and she can describe torture to other women and forced dosing with medications, which they were told, were designed to prevent future pregnancies.

She recalls the names and ranks of her torturers, including General Abraha and would be able to name them and identify them in a court of law. She recalls that the General said that it was the decision of Tigrean leaders to wipe out Oromo people.

Sadly, members of her family were killed the Ethiopian regime military recently. But the strong spirit of this Oromo woman urges her to stand firmly on the podium in order to embarrass the Tigrean leadership back in Ethiopia so that the entire globe will know and will harshly judge  the perpetrators of genocide and those who silently  watched the attempted destruction of a people.

OSA tickets/registration can be purchased at the door.  Visit OSA website for more on OSA events from July 29 through 31st in Washington DC.

Tigist Gammee

Faayilii – Hiriira Mormii Oromiyaa

Hoidhamtoonni siyaasaa akka Obbo Beqqelee Garbaa faa nuuf haa hiikaman, kan Naarobbii keessatti butamee achi buuteen isaa dhabame – Abbaa Liiban Dabbassaa Guyyoo nuuf haa barbaadamu. Proojektiin Bishaan Billiqqoo deebi’ee nuuf hojjtamu, Warshaan Kallee, Dirreen Xayyaaraa fi Yunivarsitiin waadaa seename nuuf haa hojjetamu, alaabaan naannoo Somaalee Moyaalee keessaa haa ba’u, ka jedhanii fi dhaadannoolee ka biroo fudhatanii hiriira ba’an – jiraattonni Godinaa Booranaa. Hiriira kanatti uummatni kuma hedduutti lakkaawamu hirmaachuu isaa fi ka nagaan xumurame ta’uu illee jiraattonni dubbatanii jira. Gaaffii uummataa kana ilaalchisee, qaama mootummaa irraa – aangawaa bulchaa godinichaa turan dubbisee jirra.