Caalshis Lammii irraa

Kenyan Olympics Marathon winner, Eliud Kipchoge, in Rio in support of Feyisa Lilesa

Yeroo ammaa waan jajjabduu lamatu sab-quunnamtii /social Media/ kana irra naanna’aa fi ho’isamee deemaa jira.

1. Injifannoo Gootni keenya Fayisaa Lalisaa galmeesseen warreen biyya dhiyaa daggeruu isaa fi Uummanni keenya bakkayyuutti deggersa qabuu fi dhaadhessuuti jira.
2. Ibsa Junaddiin Saddoo mediyaalee adda addatti kennaa jiru.

Dhimmoota kana wal cina qabnee yoo ilaalle yaadota wal-faallessanidha. Adeemsi amma qabxii lammaffaa irratti ka’e kun ta’e jedhamee beekaas ta’e osoo hin beekamin diinaan qindaa’ee of eeggannoo guddaadhan Orommoo irratti kan aggaammatee fi adeemsa QBO dhageettii argatee fi ibida bakkayyuuttuu diinatti ishadame ykn qabsiifame kana dhaamsuuf toftaa gadi ba’e ta’uutu natti muldhata.

Injifannoo Oromtichi gootni Olompikii Rio de Jeneroo Fayisaan galmeessise yaadaa fi qalbii Oromoo hedduu gar tokkotti deebise moo hin deebisne? Tumsa addunyaa kaleessa mana cufttee taa’aa baate argamsiise moo hin argamsiifne? Sochiin Qeerroo biyya keessaa akka jirutti ta’ee haalli uumame kun Wayyaanee raasemoo hin raafne? Qabsaayota Oromoo fi jaaramayaaleen Oromoo bakkayuutii akka of ilaalan godhemoo hin goone? Halagoota warra Habashaa dabalatee FXG Oromoo qofaa isaa deemaa ture akka isaan dhaadhessan dirqe moo hin dirqine? Osoo hin jaallatin qabsoo Oromoo akka deggaran afaanii baafatanii sab-quunnamtii of harkaa qabanii fi addunyaa adda addaa irratti as ba’anii akka dubbatan hin dirqisiifnee? Waluumaa gala haalli torban lamaan dura turan qabsoo Oromoo sadarkaa tokko ol kaasuu fi Oromootti hamilee horuu argina. Qabsoon fuula duratti hanga tooko tarkaanfachuu ishee hubanna.

Gama kaaniin egaa yoo ilaalle Jawween kaleessa marmaratee waggaa afur/4/ guutuu diasporaa kana keessa mataa isaa gadi owwalee rafaa ba’e Junaddiin Saddoo yeroo kana keessa sab-quunnamtiitti as ba’uun maaliifii, Oromoota wal dura hin dhaabne jettuu? Warri kaleessa gandaa fi amantiidhaan Oromoo addaan qoqqooduu fi QBO laamshessuuf tattaaftaa turan carraa argatanii “you tube”n of waraabanii, kaan FB irratti, kaanis sab-quunnamtiidhuma argataniitti fayyadamuun ijifannoo kana haguuguu irratti hajjetaniiru, hojjechaa jiru illee. Har’a Oromoonis ta’ee kaan FB, Viber fi sab-quunnamtii argate mara irratti wa’een Fayisaa Lalisaa hafee haasaa Junaddiin ajandaa muddaa ta’ee jira. Wayyaaneen har’a illee nuuf hin ciifne. Haala akkaan dhokataa ta’een Oromoo gidduu dhuka’aa /Fanjii/ buustee wal nu nyaachisaa jirti. Oromoon kana hin hubanne. Diinummaa Junaddiin kaleessaa sababa godhachuun wal-dura dhaabbatee quba walittu qabuun injifannoo argame gabbifachuun hafeetu akka inni hirraanfatu taasiseera.

Kanaafoo Junaddiin hojiin isaa kaleessaa akkuma beekamutti har’a illee bifa haaraan as ba’ee jiraa dammaqaa. Oromoon wal-dura dhaabbachuu dhiifnee injifannoo galmeessisiifne irraa kaanee itti haa fufnu. Warri ilmaan adeerran Junaddiin nurraa dhaaphaa, guyyaa Bilisummaan Oromoo dhugoomte Junaddiin Oromoo, saba bal’aa dhiifama haa gaafatu. Saba garbummaa jala jiru dhiifama maalii gaafata, maal isa fayyada. Ofiittuu mirga hin qabu, halagaa jalatti bulaa jira Jawween diinni yeroo lammaaffaaf nutti bobbaase boolla isaatti haa deebi’u. Ani haasaa fi booyicha Junaddiin Saddoo irraa waan haaraas hin agarre, waan inni mootummaa Wayyaanee saaxiles hin jiru, har’a illee alaqoota isaa duraa san kabajeeti isaanumaan gaaffa nuun jechaa jira, kaan ammoo waan ragaan meeqa itti lafa guutee jiru hin goone, ana hin ilaallatu, ani haraka keessaa hin qabu, kkf nuun jechuun lama nu gowwomsuu barbaada. Junaddiin dantaan isaa xuqamnaan, taayitaa irraa ariiyatmnaan har’as filannoo kan biraa barbaadee jireenya ofii jiraachuuf ba’e male laalaan madaa dhala Oromoo itti dhagayamee miti. Deggersa qabsoof jecha biyyaa hin baanee ammoo nu gowwomsuu yaala.

Kanaaf Oromoo dammaqi, toftaan diinaa kaleessaa amma illee haaraadha, mirga kee falmadhu. Junaddiin nama tokko, ganda isaa illee bakka hin bu’u. Of danda’ee nama ofirraa falmachuu danda’uu. Warri tumsa isaaf gadi yaatanii tokkummaa uummata keenyaatti duulaa fi duulchisaa jirtan nurraa dhaaphaa. Maaltu bakka bu’aa isaa isin godhe. Anaa fi siin gargar fageessa male Junaddiiniin fayyisuuf hin ta’u. QBO irratti dhiibbaa qaba, tumsa injifannoo Fayisaa Lalisaatti as haa deebinu. Fakkii Hawaasa Minisootaa taanee gadi haa baanu, injifannoo obboleessa keenyaatii fi hiriiyoottan isaa Riotti hafan galmeessan ol kaasnee haa dhaadhessinu, injifannoo hafe dachaa dachaan ol kaafnee gara daandii bilisummaatti waliin haa arreednun jedha.

Faan-dhahii Fayisaa Lalisaa kan ta’an Oromoonni “Para Olompic” irratti mo’atanii mallattoo fincilaa Qeerroo Bilisummaa agarsiisuun har’a mootummaa nama nyaataa sanatti hin deebinu, fincila Oromoo cina jirra, ni deggerra jedhanii dargaggoo qaama hir’uu Riotti hafan eentu yeeadate? Hara’a Oromoon isaan hirraanfatnan bakka bu’oonni Habashoonnii ergan media ESAT irratti irraa geeraraa jiru. Akka ijoolleen kun dagataman kan gumaache inni guddaan olola gama Junaddiin dhiyeeffachaa jiru kana. Kana maaf hubatamuu didee namni social media FB irraatti waan Junaddiin irratti mataa wal cabsaa jiruuf namaa hin galu. Wanni ijaan muldhatu dhimmi ijoollee atileetota kana hagana hirraanfachuu eega hubachuu dadhabnee dhimma QBO hagam akka sakaalle arginaa lata? Of haa iinxallu, olola diina keenya fayyadu kana irraa of qusannee gara QBO finiinsuu irratti haa deebinu, galatoomaa.

IUOf !!!
Utubaa Lammii

By Neamin Zeleke

This picture shows how the Ethiopian government inhumanly removing locals to make ways for foreign investor who are rushing to Ethiopia to be a part of it 

“I want the superiority of one ethnic group to end” – Ethiopia’s Olympic Silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa on Al Jazeera

“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” – John F. Kennedy

In the first installment of this series, the myth of a strong military under the TPLF/EPRDF regime was examined. This sequel article discusses the manifold policies and measures taken by the ruling TPLF/EPRDF’s and their consequences for peace and stability in Ethiopia and the sub region.

A myth promoting the minority TPLF regime as a reliable and stable partner in the Horn of Africa has been circulating for years among Western policy makers, think tank analysts and academics, especially in the US, UK, and other western countries. This should not come as a surprise: since 9/11, the primary preoccupation of western foreign and security policymakers has been fighting global terrorism.

With the security and counter terrorism imperative becoming the primary driver of foreign policy, values the West in general, America in particular, claim to champion such as human rights, democracy, and freedom of the press have long been relegated to the back burner. Ethiopia’s TPLF/EPRDF regime, despite representing only 6% of Ethiopia’s 100 million population, has benefited for many years from this development and reaped an important windfall in the form of direct and indirect support from these countries that has enabled it to extend its lease on state power and perpetuate its neo-totalitarian minority domination and hegemonic rule until today. Aid from the US and the West has continued despite the fact that the minority regime has been committing a range of crimes against the people of Ethiopia with impunity.

Reputable international rights groups, European parliamentarians and American lawmakers have occasionally criticized the TPLF/EPRDF regime’s severe human rights violations. The U.S. State Department’s annual reports have documented and published the widespread abuse of Ethiopia’s people by the minority regime. It has become obvious even among the TPLF/EPRDF’s apologists within these countries’ foreign policy establishments that the government has become highly repressive, authoritarian, and brutal and that it has engaged in war crimes and crimes against humanity. Cases include the Ogaden, where hundreds of villages were burned, thousands executed extra-judicially and hundreds of women were raped by the regime’s security forces.  In Gambella, in just a single day in 2003, over 400 Anuaks were massacred.  To date, not a single perpetrator has been held accountable.

Since the onset of protests ten months ago by the Oromo, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, followed by more protests by the second largest ethnic group, the Amhara, in Gondar and Gojam, the minority regime has intensified its brutal repression in these regions to the point that  it could be characterized as ethnic cleansing. Hundreds of unarmed protesters have been killed and tens of thousands thrown into concentration camps in remote parts of the country under horrific conditions of torture, hard labor, and disappearance. Many are feared to have been extra-judicially executed or taken to the regime’s Tigrayan homeland to be held incommunicado in dungeons that the TPLF has used since its guerilla days.

International media outlets have noted about the horror in Ethiopia as follows: NY Times wrote “…..The government’s response, according to human rights groups, was ruthless. Witnesses said that police officers shot and killed scores of unarmed demonstrators. Videos circulating from protests thought to be from late last year or earlier this year show security officers whipping young people with sticks as they are forced to perform handstands against a wall. The top United Nations human rights official is now calling for a thorough investigation…..”[1]

The BBC has reported “…..Oromia and Amhara are the homelands of the country’s two biggest ethnic groups. New York-based Human Rights Watch says that more than 400 people have been killed in clashes with the security forces in Oromia, although the government disputes this figure….”[2]

Deutsche Welle had the following to say; “….The Ethiopian government receives some 3.5 billion dollars (3 billion euros) annually from international donors and has remained a key strategic partner of the West, particularly the US and the EU, in the ‘war against terror.’ However, analysts argue this financial support has been toughening the regime’s resolve to silence dissenting voices. The western approach of tiptoeing around human right violations in the country and its continued support for the regime has been stirring up anger among sections of the public…..”[3]

Despite the outcry by some foreign observers, most policymakers and government officials of the US, UK, and other donor nations have, for the most part, looked the other way. At best, they have expressed “deep concern,” as they have often declared during the past 25 years of the TPLF/EPRDF’s cruel tenure at the helm of the Ethiopian state. Tragically, these policy makers, pundits, and analysts are blind to the cracks that are widening day by day in Ethiopia’s society, state, and security apparatus, including the defense forces, as a consequence.

These obvious trends taking place under the minority TPLF regime resulted, in part, because of the blank check that Western powers, especially the United States, wrote to the minority regime that they regarded as a partner for stability and security in the Horn of Africa. Contrary to the erroneous assumption on which that policy is based, Ethiopia under the minority TPLF regime is a destabilizing force in the region.  In fact, the TPLF ruling clique is creating so much insecurity in every sphere of Ethiopian national life that it has alienated the vast majority of the population.

Misrule, poor governance, rampant abuse of power, massive corruption and rent seeking pervade the highest echelons of the civilian and military leadership of the TPLF/EPRDF. Domination and hegemony of political and economic life by a minority ethnic group to an extent never before known in Ethiopia’s history and unbridled private appropriation of public state resources to aggrandize ethnic and political cronies have become the norm.  These rampant violations of the Ethiopian people’s rights are the key features of the Ethiopian state under the TPLF/EPRDF.

The minority regime has closed all meaningful avenues of peaceful dissent, especially since the election of 2005, when the governing TPLF/EPRDF fraudulently declared itself the winner. Other characteristics of the TPLF/EPRDF regime that have widened the nation’s fault lines include:

1. Bogus democracy, the closing of political space, organized and systematic repression to paralyze and weaken the legal opposition, rigged elections and courts used as tools to persecute civil society groups, political dissidents and journalists. The absence of free media and the denial of basic human rights.
2. Suppression of religious freedom, especially the regime’s obdurate attempts to control the internal affairs of the Orthodox Church and the Muslim faithful. The ruthless crackdown on Ethiopian Muslims, who have been demanding religious freedom in the most disciplined and exemplar peaceful disobedience protest movement in recent times.
3. Sham federalism, where regional autonomy exists only on paper and the country is in reality dominated by the center. The imposition of TPLF puppets on regional governments.
4. Massive corruption and corrupt exploitation of state and public resources by a single ethnic clique and its political cronies.
5. Crimes against humanity, including mass murder and torture, committed with impunity.
6. An unpopular constitution, forced on Ethiopia’s people at gunpoint and designed to serve and perpetuate the Tigray minority ruling elite
7. Unfair and unequal distribution of resources, and the politicization of aid distribution.
8. Systematic denial of promotion and advancement opportunities to non-Tigrayans in the military and civil service.
9. Monopolization of economic opportunities by a small ethnic-based elite.
10. Discredited “revolutionary democracy” economic policies secretly meant to control people rather than deliver sustainable and equitable development.

The resulting fault lines created by these practices divide Ethiopia across several planes:

1. Growing ethnic conflicts resulting from an apartheid-like system imposed against the people’s will.
2. Crackdowns on low intensity insurgencies and liberation movements in nearly every part of the country that further alienate the people from the regime.
3. Resentment by the military’s lower ranks against the senior officers.
4. An increase in secessionist sentiment in multiple ethnic regions.
5. A growing and spreading acceptance of armed struggle as a solution to the country’s problems.
6. Islamic radicalism.
7. Loss of moral authority by the Church.
8. Tensions with neighboring countries.
9. Economic desperation, abject poverty, and unemployment feeding inequality.
10. Disenfranchisement of the non-Tigrayan business class.
11. Severe cracks and simmering contradictions within the ruling TPLF/EPRDF on the one hand, and the increasing conflicts and contradictions of the leadership with that of the mid-level and lower levels members of the Amhara and Oromo junior partners of the dominant TPLF in the so-called

These fault lines, which have been spreading for some time, are too big and too many to ignore.  It was naïve to expect that the status quo would continue without a reaction that is opposite and more than equal.

The TPLF/Tigrayan grip on Ethiopia’s military, economy, society and critical institutions of the state and the denial of non-Tigrayans any say in their own country’s affairs have been facts of life for twenty-five years. When one encounters Ethiopian visitors and new immigrants to the US and Europe, the population’s preoccupation with this state of affairs is evident in the disturbing overabundance of stories reflecting this chilling reality and the extreme alienation and marginalization of non-Tigrayans in their nation’s affairs.

According to several studies, over 85% of the military command structure is comprised of TPLF members, while a similar percentage of the lower ranks are non-Tigrayans.  The lion’s share of the economy, according to some studies as much as two-thirds, is owned and run by Tigrayan-controlled corporations and parastatals, such as the Endowment for the Relief and Rehabilitation of Tigray (“EFFORT”), a giant conglomerate owned and operated by the TPLF leadership and its senior cadres. Most of the major foreign-financed contracts and projects in the country are given without competitive bidding to various concerns operating under the EFFORT umbrella.  METEC, a military-industrial  complex that runs several armaments and metal factories, including those taken over from the former DERG/WEP regime, is controlled and managed almost entirely by former TPLF fighters and has become a cash cow for retiring TPLF military officers.  Again, like EFFORT, the METEC Corporation has played a dominant role in the economy by getting a significant portion of all no-bid government contracts next to EFFORT owned companies.

It is public knowledge that the senior leaders, generals, cadres of the TPLF and their proxies own high rise buildings , shopping malls and other ill-gotten assets in addition to many of them holding real estate and liquid assets in foreign countries. These assets were not earned or accumulated through hard work but from the unprecedented corruption and the plunder of state resources at the expense of the Ethiopian people. According to a study by the Oakland Institute, a California based think tank, over 70% of the owners of property acquired in a recent land grab bonanza in Ethiopia’s Gambella region are TPLF military officers and civilian elites. The same sordid practice is going on in the Afar region, where even salt production, traditionally the domain of the indigenous afars, has been taken over by Tigrayans linked to the TPLF regime.  Similar stories of massive acquisition of public resources unjustly acquired throughout Ethiopia by TPLF and Tigrayans affiliated with the regime are widely circulated.

In order to further understand the all-pervasive domination of the economy and the state apparatus, in every sense of the word, including the unbridled plunder of public resources  by Tigrayans elite affiliated with the TPLF and the mafia like inner working of the TPLF and EPRDF, there are two must read books, YeMeles Trufat, and Ye Meles Liqaqit . Authored   in Amharic language by Ermias Legesse, former Deputy Minister of Communications, who  now works for ESAT , these books are worth reading  to find plethora of data and evidence of  a  very  disturbing phenomena in today’s Ethiopia, i.e. an extremely greedy and  short sighted  TPLF leadership, cadres,  and Tigrayan elite affiliated with the TPLF engaged in massive plunder, deception, corruption, and perpetual and obdurate machinations to dominate everyone and everything  in Ethiopia as if there is no tomorrow.

Almost all prison officials and those who commit horrific torture of the Oromo, Amhara and other political prisoners, accompanied by degrading ethnic insults no less, are, for the most part, Tigrayans. The security services, critical institutions and machineries of the state, foreign affairs, are run by Tigrayans.  This is a tragic and dangerous situation.

In a recent Amharic-language article, longtime analyst and commentator on Ethiopian politics Fekade Shewakena, a former lecturer at Addis Ababa University, making reference to a series of recent public statement by TPLF bigwigs, Siyoum Mesfin, among others,  a leading figure of the TPLF and former Foreign Minister, known for telling big lies about the ruling of The Permanent Court of Arbitration regarding  the Ethio-Eritrea border dispute– has called on the Tigrayn ruling elite to have the courage to face up to this grim reality of their own making and end the deception. Fekade has called on the TPLF leaders to stop their dangerous instigation of ethnic violence to create an excuse for continuing their repression against the widespread dissent in the country.[4]

Professor Al Mariam, attorney and well-known blogger has made a similar call in his most recent article.[5]

Most recently Olympic silver medalist, Feyisa Lilesa, who brought global attention to Ethiopia’s political crisis with his defiant gesture at Rio Olympics, stated, “I want the superiority of one ethnic group to end”.  Feyisa was talking about the daily life in Ethiopia that the TPLF’s leaders and apologists consistently deny. Their complete denial of the naked reality sometimes appears that the ruling clique is afflicted with cognitive dissonance, a complete separation from reality which they desperately utilize all forms of propaganda instruments to camouflage.

Several respected scholars and political analysts have also asked the question: Where will this sense of marginalization, alienation, resentment, and anger on the part of non-Tigrayan Ethiopians lead the country? Another prominent Ethiopian who has worked in the international system, including as UN Emergency relief coordinator in various failed African states, Dawit Giorgis recently wrote, “As was the case in Rwanda decades ago, the accumulated anger directed at this minority group is likely to explode and result in a human catastrophe with serious implications on regional stability,” underlining the depth of crisis in present day Ethiopia.[6]

Without a doubt, a seismic eruption is in the making in Ethiopia. Deep anger, resentment, and even hatred are festering as a result of the people’s despair and humiliation at the conditions described above. Such conditions are deepening in manifold ways and their manifestations include the growing numbers of Ethiopians joining armed resistance groups. The coming reaction by so many sectors of Ethiopian society who have been alienated and disenfranchised by the regime is clear to see.

In the first installment in this series of articles titled, “The Myth of a Strong Army/Security under the TPLF/EPRDF Regime,”[7] this writer predicted that, under the apartheid-like conditions the TPLF has instituted, where the Tigrayans are the movers and shakers of all levers of power in the armed forces, the majority of the armed forces who are non-Tigrayns would either join the armed resistance or simply melt away. Such incidents have been observed since the onset of the Amhara protest in Gondar in the past few months. Hundreds of army, federal police, and Special Forces have joined the people’s struggle around Gondar, or have simply abandoned their posts, as reported by credible media sources, including Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT). Despite frequent speeches and televised appearances by cynical senior TPLF cadres aimed at scaring the people of Ethiopia into compliance, this trend will continue and surely become widespread as the population continues to intensify its struggle for the  freedom, rights, and dignity denied to them by a brutal minority regime that is bent on perpetuating its neo-totalitarian minority ethnic domination and maintain state power by any and all means necessary, even at the cost of a national break-up or civil war. The excesses of today’s rulers in Ethiopia are too much for their Western allies to contend with. It’s easier to just sweep them under the rug and pretend they don’t exist. But they do exist, and, as a matter of fact, are increasing in magnitude.  The coming convergence of the above-described fault lines will undoubtedly drive Ethiopia further toward instability, civil strife, and even worse scenarios.

The stakes are too high for the US, UK, and other western allies of the TPLF/EPRDF regime to just sit back and watch as a simmering volcanic eruption rocks Ethiopia and spews national chaos and instability spread to the sub-region.  It is in the strategic interest of these countries, including the international partnership on counter terrorism, that Ethiopia has a stable, popular and democratic government elected by free, fair and transparent process. Peace and stability in Ethiopia could only endure under the rule of law and established rule of the games in economic and other spheres that are fair and just for all Ethiopians in an open and competitive economic and political system.

The United States, the UK, Canada and other donor nations and allies to the minority regime must, therefore, look beyond their misguided and short-term interest and support the establishment of an inclusive transitional Ethiopian government that would pave the way toward a genuine constitutional democratic political order and replace the sham democracy and federalism that has masked the plunder and repression of an entire country by a minority clique.  This is the only realistic way to reverse the downward trajectory of chaos, civil war, even worse nightmarish scenarios that may engulf Ethiopia before it becomes “too little, too late” to prevent. Only the determined, combined effort of Ethiopians who have a realistic understanding of the current situation under the minority regime, Ethiopia’s foreign friends and other interested stakeholders can stop it before it is too late. A “brittle”,  neo-totalitarian  minority regime  rejected by the majority and facing so many internal fault lines that are ever widening and deepening  in magnitude cannot be a durable  ally for real peace, security, and stability in the volatile Horn of Africa that has seen one too many failed states.

Neamin Zeleke, formerly Executive Director of Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT), has been a long time advocate of Human Rights and Democracy in Ethiopia. ____________________________________________________
[1] http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/13/world/africa/ethiopia-protests.html?rref=collection%2Ftimestopic%2FEthiopia&action=click&contentCollection=world&region=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=8&pgtype=collection&_r=0
[2]  http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-36940906
[3] http://www.dw.com/en/ethiopian-anti-government-protests-set-to-contin
[4]http://ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/16973/
[5] http://www.zehabesha.com/disinformation-in-t-tplf-land-of-living-lies-pinocchio-preaches-truth-against-perception-in-ethiopia/
[6] http://ecadforum.com/2016/08/18/the-horn-another-civil-war-looming/
[7] http://ecadforum.com/2016/06/29/the-myth-of-a-stable-ethiopia-under-a-minority-regime/

By Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa

Dirribee Gadaa jedhamti. Biyya Janaraal Taaddasaa Birruu shawaa Kaabaa Salaalaaeetti dhalattee guddatte. Akkuma qarree Oromoo kamiitti gidiraa garbummaa keessaa teessee barnootashee hanga tokko hordofaa turte. Ba’aan garbummaa gootonni ishee dura turan itti kufan lafaa kaastee aartii harkashee jiruun finiinsaa turteetti. Geerarteetti, dhiichisteetti, saba rafe daddamaqsiteetti, qeerroofi qarree oonnachiisteetti. (You tube, maqaasheen seenaa, Irrecha Hora Arsadiirratti sirbasheetiin miliyoonota sochoosteetti…).

Kutattuu qabsooftuu Qarree Oromooti. Kaasetta guutuu kanaan dura dalagde kan mata dureen ‘’ Ani ofiin sintuquu ati ofii tuttuqxee nan kaasiin malee..’’ jedhu Oromoo ta’ee kan hindhaga’iin jira jedhee hin yaadu. Biyya abbaashee keessati gidiraa shamarran Oromoof hin malle mara baattee gara biyya ollaatti lubbuuf baqachuun achittis gidiraan walfakkaataan keessaaf duubaa isheerra tureera. Gargaarsa ‘Human right watch, UN fi Sabboontota Hayyoota Oromoo’tiin amma USA seentee jirti. Haata’u amlee, ammas haala gammachiisaa keessa hinjirtu. Haala#Oromo protest kanaan walqabatee sammuunshee midhameera. Dhukkubsataas jirti. Gargaarsa lammummaa ishee barbaachisa. Sabboontonni Oromoo muraasi akka quba qabaniifi as ga’uusheetiif sababa akka ta’an Dirribeen nidubbatti. Miidiyaan Oromoollee mucaa kana as nuuf hinbaasne. Mucaa waa guddoon irraa baratamudha. Yeroo ammaa kana USA Biyya Tennessee Magaalaa Nashville keessa jirrti. Aadde Birhaanee Beekaafi Dr. Gulummaa Gammadaa daran galateeffatti…Sabboontonni quuqamtoota Oromoo biroonis nijiru. Dirribeen darara isheerra gahaa tureen nidhukkubsatti yeroo ammaa kana mana yaalaatti deddeebi’uurratti argamti. Kunuunsa ishee barbaachisa. Oromoon naannoo sana jirtaniifi biyya USA keessa jirtan sabboontuu qarree Oromoo kana teessoo bibilashee 6155467874 fi toora fb shee https://www.facebook.com/dirribee.gadaa.9, akka dubbistan kabajaan isin gaafanna. Dirribeen yeroo ammaa kanas sirba Warraaqsaa HIDHANNEE LOLLA’ jedhuu kan ‘’ Barannetis Biyyaan taane
Qotanneetis silaa nyaanne’’ jedhuun as baateetti (Hidhaa kanaa gadii bani dhaggeeffadh) as baateetti. Wallee baste kanarraa galii eegde homaatuu hinqabdu. Toluma sabasheetiif arjoomte/gumaachite.
Miidiyaaleen Oromoo gaafannoo dhiyeessuufi barbaaddaniif
Bibila: 6155467874
Fb: https://www.facebook.com/dirribee.gadaa.9,
Magaala: USA, Tennessee, Nashville

Sirbootashee keessaa Muraasa hidhaa kanaa gadii kanarraa tuqaa dhaggeeffadha.
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Oromoo nama qabsoo Oromoof gumaacha taasise keessumattuu Shamarran keenyaa bilbillee jajjabeessuun rakkoo isaaniitti gurra qabnee kan kana dura nuuf hojjetan caalaa hojjechiisuun qabsoo keenyaatti xumura gochuun nurraa eegama.

Kenya: Artist Dirribee Gadaa’s performance at UNHCR #‎ArtistsForRefugees Initiative

Dirribee Gadaa, 3rd from left

Dirribee Gadaa, one of our own gifted artists (in maroon) was selected to participate in the ongoing ‪#‎ArtistsForRefugees‬ — A UNHCR Initiative which enables talented refugee artists drawn from various countries to showcase their talent while at the same time sharpening their artistic skills. A big shoutout to Diribe for her resilience in rising against all odds and making us proud!

After Dirribee‘s performance on the coveted stage together with Kenya’s famous hip-hop artist OCTOPIZZO (In hat)— A brain behind‪ #‎Refugeenius‬ Initiative!

Oromo from Mogor town, West Shewa Zone, participating in the nationwide protest on August 6, 2016

(Risk Advisory | Security Intelligence & Analysis Service) — The Ethiopian government is looking increasingly unstable, and the security environment in Ethiopia is looking more dangerous. Opposition protests over the past few months have been larger and more frequent than any in Ethiopia since the end of the civil war. The ethnic nature of these protest movements means that a mutiny within the police or security forces is more likely than in recent years.

We also warn that higher impact scenarios, like a change of prime minister, or a coup, are both credible scenarios in the medium to long term. This is because, other than these demonstrations, there are underlying indications that the government’s position is increasingly precarious. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) grip on power appears to have been weakening in recent years, and the country’s economy has unresolved structural problems.

Despite restrictions on local and international media operations in Ethiopia, social media users have reported on the protests. Attendance at weekly protests in cities and towns countrywide over the past few months has tended to vary, but we have seen images of rallies with what appears to be several thousand protesters in Addis Ababa, Dessie, Mekele and Gomar. The scale of such public opposition to the government is unprecedented.

Analysis of protests

The motivations behind the recent protests have varied widely between regions of the country and between organising groups. But a common theme has been opposition to the government. In Oromia, protests were originally against a plan to expand Addis Ababa into surrounding areas but have turned into a broader anti-government movement. In Amhara and Tigray, protests have been against the purported mistreatment of the Amhara ethnic group. We have also seen images on social media of Muslim groups protesting outside mosques in the past month, reportedly against government interference in religious affairs.

The government has blamed the protests on ‘people with terror links’ and overseas activists who they claim are trying to destabilise the country. This approach has in some cases, exacerbated the risk of protests. Earlier this year, government heavy-handedness in response to protests in Oromia prompted other groups to join the demonstrations. So far, the various recent protest movements appear to have remained organisationally distinct. But they do seem to have become less single-issue oriented and converged on a more broadly anti-government stance.

Protest outlook

Although it is unclear how these protests will play out in Ethiopia, we think that there are several credible scenarios in the coming months that point to increasing risks in the country. If the protests persist at their current size and frequency, the EPRDF may attempt to replace the current prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn. Such a move would probably be an attempt by the ruling party to appease protesters, but would be likely to result in little tangible political change.

We also think it is credible that the security forces might mutiny, or the army may attempt a coup. This is particularly likely if the current protests escalate into a more widespread and sustained anti-government movement – a development similar to the popular protests and subsequent coup in Burkina Faso last year. An early warning sign of this would be the government ordering local military units to violently suppress demonstrations related to ethnic grievances.

The nine regional states of Ethiopia are in part divided along ethnic lines, and the government claims that the security forces in each region are predominantly made up of members of that ethnic group. Given that the protests in Amhara, Oromia and Tigray appear to be at least partly motivated by perceived ethnic-biased issues, a mutiny, in which the police or soldiers refuse to follow orders to use heavy handed tactics against protesters of the same ethnic group, is a credible scenario in our view.

Despite this risk, we anticipate that the Ethiopian government will use more forceful tactics to suppress the protests, particularly if they continue to spread, grow and intensify. The use of heavy handed tactics by the security forces is already commonplace. Human Rights Watch claims that more than 400 people have been killed at demonstrations by the security forces since late 2015. This response suggests that there is a high level of concern in government about the effect the protests will have on its stability.

Political outlook

We have seen several indications that the EPRDF has been losing public support in recent years, especially since Hailemariam became prime minister in 2012. He is widely seen as less charismatic than his predecessor, and anecdotal reports suggest that he is generally perceived by the population as having failed to move to a more democratic and inclusive style of government.

One of Hailemariam’s central claims to legitimacy is his government’s handling of the economy. Over the past decade, the Ethiopian economy has grown by an average of 11.7% per year, according to the World Bank. But the country’s GDP per capita is still amongst the lowest in the world, and it appears that the high growth rate is not benefiting the growing youth population.

None of this points to an improving outlook. The US government estimates that 71% of the population is younger than 30. But Ethiopian labour ministry statistics from 2015 show that 25% of under 30s in Ethiopia are either under- or unemployed. Such high rates of joblessness significantly increase the risk that protests movements will become more frequent and intense in the coming months.

Security Intelligence & Analysis Service (SIAS) provides risk management professionals with a responsive international intelligence capability to help them enable business with confidence. 

Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vt)
On
Recent Events in Ethiopia
Congressional record

September 27, 2016

Source: Leahy-Senate.gov

Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT)

MR. LEAHY. Mr. President, I want to bring the Senate’s attention to the Ethiopian government’s brutal crackdown on protestors over the past nine months. According to Human Rights Watch, more than 500 people have been killed by Ethiopian security forces in anti-government demonstrations since November 2015, including over 100 gunned down in early August of this year alone.

These protests by the country’s two largest ethnic groups, the Oromos and Amharas, reflect enduring tensions brought on by the Ethiopian government’s longstanding marginalization and persecution of these communities. But such grievances are shared by even broader segments of Ethiopian society, including from other communities that have been forcibly evicted from their land in the name of development, and the journalists, civil society activists, and countless other political prisoners sitting in Ethiopian jails for speaking out against the government’s repressive rule.

The international community, including the United States, has paid too little attention to the Ethiopian government’s repressive policies, focusing instead on the country’s rapid development gains and the government’s cooperation on regional security. But it is time for the Ethiopian government to acknowledge that grievances stemming from marginalization, abuse, and exclusive governance cannot be effectively addressed through the provision of basic services alone.

The United States should set an example by redefining its relationship with Ethiopia, starting with the recognition of this reality. In too many developing countries, legitimate concerns about unaccountable governance are given short shrift as aspirational and inconvenient tradeoffs for positive relations with host governments. But the quiet diplomacy of the past – backroom condemnation and public praise – has proven unable to ensure the sustainability of U.S. investments by failing to protect and promote stability, let alone encourage meaningful reform by the Ethiopian government.

It is precisely because Ethiopia is a strategic partner of the U.S. that we should encourage remedies to the underlying tensions in the country. That does not mean we walk away from our partnership, but we should examine the type of assistance we provide to the Ethiopian government to ensure it aligns with shared interests and activities that contribute to government capacity in a manner that addresses local concerns.

This is not without its challenges, and the only government that has the ability to successfully reform Ethiopia is its own. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the rest of the Ethiopian leadership should begin by reassessing its crowd control tactics, and ensuring accountability for those who have committed abuses. I support the call by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights for an independent, transparent, thorough and effective investigation into violations of human rights committed during the unrest, and if the Ethiopian government is interested in demonstrating its legitimacy it would welcome such an inquiry.

I look forward to working with other Members of Congress, the Obama Administration and their successors to determine how best we can ensure that the assistance U.S. taxpayers provide to Ethiopia serves our long-term interests in the region.

# # # # #

Press Contact

Press Contact
David Carle: 202-224-3693

#OromoProtests-The message of Qubee generation from Western Oromia is clear: Oromo self-determination is the solution!!
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Ergaan dhaloota Qubee godina Qeellam Wallaggaa aanaa Anfilloo magaalaa Ashii kun ifaa dha: Gaaffiin Oromoo hiree ofii ofiin murteeffannaa dha. Kanaaf, “kana booddee ABOn nu haa bulchu” jechaa jiran. Via Dhábasá Gemelal

Gabaasi Amma Bishoofturra nu dhaqqabe akka ibsutti Dura ta’aa Gumii Abbooti Gadaa Oromiyaa fi Abba Gadaa Tuulama Obbo Bayyaanaa Sanbatoo mana isaanii irratti bonbii darbuun yaalin ajjeecha akka itti aggamameef waaqni akka isaan baasedha. Oromoon kana booda wanti hafeef hin jiru. kuni tuffii irraa dangadha. qeerron bakka jiruu wal waama jira. Via Tolchaa Huseen Maddaa

#OromoProtests Wayyaaneen Irreecha akka daaw’ataniifi miidiyaalee alaa ( foreign correspondents) geejjiba qopheessitee hoteela bilisaan qabdeefi affeertee jirti. Embaasilee jiran hundas akka nama ergan yaamtee jirti. Kanarraa wanni hubannu “Oromoon cunqurfame isin jettan kunoo akkanaan bilisa ta’ee ayyaaneffata” jechuufi. Ta’us gaazexeessitootafi diplomaatota kana waa ofii barbaadde qofa akka argan godhuuf yaaluun isii hin oolu. Kana keessaa tokko naanno waltajjii san guututti ergamtoota ofiitin guutuun, akkasumas gaazexessitoonni kun gara ummata bal’aa akka hin makamne xaxaa uumuun ta’a. Miidiyaalee affeeruun ishii kun yoo sirnaan itti fayyadamne waan onnee Oromoo jiru itti agarsiisuu dandeenye bu’aa qaba. Via Naf-tanan Gaadullo

#OromoProtests #AmharaProtests
OROMON KANA BOODA DIINAA AKKA HIN BITAMNE MUCAANI UMURIINI ISAA HOGGAA 6 AKKASI JEDHE ! WAYYAANEF OPDO DHAF BARUMSA TA’A.
”Qabsoo teenyaa tana wanti lubbuu itti horee baayyeetu jira. Abdii guddaatu jira. Mucaa waggaa 6 ti, jiraataa magaala Qaregohaati. Hamileen inni qabu ajaa’iba natti ta’e. “Waggaa 10 qofatu na hafe, waggaa 16 yeroo gahe wayyaaneen nan balleessa jedhe. Maalif jennaan, lammiiko fixaa jiran. Kanaaf gumaa isaanii anatu baasa jedhe. Amma karaatee baradha. Achii booda yeroo natti marsan gangaladhee jalaa bahuuf nagargaara. Sirba siyaasa naa bani jedha. Kan bira hindhaggeeffattu jennaan sirba jaalalaa hinfedhu” yeroo jedhu ajaa’ba natti tahe. Sirboota warraaqsaa hunda isaa osoo hindogogorin wajjin sirba. Daa’ma keessayyu onnee akkanaatu jira. Bayyee nana gammachiisa.” Via  Abiyot Shiferaw

Ajaa’iba OPDO
godinaalee addaa nannaawaa finfinnee keessatti guyyaa har’aa uummatta walittii qabuun fiigicha jala bultii irreechaa irratti namni tokkoo hafuu hin qabdan ,T-shirtii qarshii 150 dirqama bituu qabdan jedhamee yeroo akeekkachiisni itti kennamu uummanni aaridhaan ajaja keessaniin hin deemnu, konkolaataa keessanis ofumaa ittiin deemaa,t- shirt keessanis hin binnu jechuun qaanessanii jiru.nuti huccuu qopheeffanne qabna osa uffannee deemuf erga yaaduu jalqabnee waggaa guuteera.duruma waggaa waggaan deemuf uummata oromoo hundaan waadaa waliif galle jedhanii qaanessanii jiru.opdonis rifattee miseensa isheetin duubatti nuuf hafaa jettee, miseensi keenya hundi keessanuu t-shirtii bituu qabdu.dargaggoonni tole isiniif jedhan yoo argattan immoo tola ni kenninaaf nuuf barbaadaa dargaggoo jettee maraataa jirti. miseensonni ishiitis nuti ummatarraa akkamitti adda taana jedhanii mormii walitti kaasaa jiru.
Injifannoon keenyuma barana!!!! Via Barataa Taaddee Birruu

INJIFANNOOWWAN KUN BILISUMMAA SABAAN GOOLABAMUU QABU-…Ta’uu baannaan ….!!!

Qabsoo Oromoo Keessatti #Injifannoowwan Argaman
#Share #LIKE godhi
1. Maaster Pilaaniin dachee Oromoo saamuuf woyyaaneen qopheessite gootummaa ummata Oromoon fashalaaweera.
2. Caasaan magaalaawwan Oromiyaa irratti Caffeen Oromiyaa woyyaanota wajjiin labse guutummatti haqameera
3.Laftiif qabeenyi Oromoo duraan saamame hedduun tarkaanfii#OromoProtest‘n ummataaf deebi’eera
4. Qormaatni biyyoolessaa tarkaanfii ummatni Oromoo fudhateen guutummatti haqameera.
5. Tarkaanfiin qabeenya mootummaa akka SALAM BUS irratti fudhatameen guutummatti Oromiyaa keessa akka hin sochoone godhameera
6. Qabeenyi TPLF fi ergamtoota diinaa hedduun Oromootaan barbadaayeera
7. Agaaziiwwaniif miseensotni woraana mootummaa hedduun madaawanii hedduun tarkaanfii ummata Oromoon ajjeefamaniiru.
8. Dandiiwwan cufamuun miidhaan karaa diinagdeef daldala irratti dhufeera
9. Ummata Oromoo taasgabeessuuf woraanni kumaatamaan ramadame baajata biyyattii guyyatti miliyoonotaan fixee mootummicha kisaaraa keessa galcheera.
10. Duula bittaaf gurgurtaa lagachuu torbee tokkoo oliif taasifneen diinagdee mootumichaa garmalee laamshessineerra.
11. Atileetotni akka Fayyisaa Leellisaa mormii ummata Oromoo deeggaruun arga dhageettii adunyaa ajaa’ibsiisanii, mootummaa woyyaanetti waaroo salphinaa uffisaniiru.
12. Karaa dipiloomaasii qabsoon taasifame mootummaa woyyaanee adunyaan akka balaaleffattu taasiseera. Baajatas hin kenninuuf kan jedhanis jiru.
13. Qabsoo ummatni Oromoo taasiseen qondaalonni OPDO, perisdaantii mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa obbo Muktaar Kadiir dabalatee aangoo irraa darbamaniiru
14. Alaabaan Oromoo guutuu Oromiyaa wal geessee, keesumaayyuu gaafa hiriira guddichaa san Alaabaan Oromoo woggoota 25f Finfinnee keessaa ugguramte wereegamaaf gootummaa ilmaan Oromoo kafalaniin handhuura Oromiyaa Finfinnee keessatti mirmirsaniiru.
15. Amma sadarkaa ilmaan Tigiraay Oromiyaa keessaa qabeenya isaanii gatanii ykn saamanii baqachaa jiran irra jirra.
16. Itti fuufa.. Isin itti dabalaa. Walumaagalatti mootummaan woyyaanee akka isin suuraa irratti argitan kana ta’eera. #OromoProtest’n dhukkubbii sammuu itti ta’eera. Biyya sana eenyu akka bulchaa jiru wollaalamee jira. Mootummaa kunaan afaan guuttannee kufeera jechuu ni dandeenya.Qabsoon itti fufa. Hanga faashistiin kufee abbaan biyyummaa keenya dhugoomutti qabsoon itti fuufa. Injifannoon ummata Oromoof. Oromiyaan Ni Bilisoomti.
Beknan Rabira. Via Beekan Gulummaa Irranaa

#OromoProtests #AmharaProtests
Wayyaaneen Sirna kufaatii isaa haalan saffisaa jiru ta’uu isaa ragaaleen gurguddaan as bahaa jira.
Bulchinsa Magaalaa Finfinnee keessatti hojjattoota Mootummaa kanneen Sabummaan Oromoo fi Amaara tahan addatti baafamanii itti roorrifamaa jiraachuu ragaa armaan gadii kanarraa ni hubattu. Mootummaa mormitan jechuudhaan kophaatti maqaa tarreessanii hiraarsaa jiran. Jarri kun hidhamuu fi hojii ariyatamuu dandayu.
Garuu wanti wayyaaneen hubachuu dadhabe hiraarsa heddummeessuun qabsoo finiinsuu akka taheedha. Via Mirga Namummaa

By Saphaloo Kadiir

Mucaa suuraa isaa argitan kun ‘Yohaannis Girmaa’ jedhama. Dhaloonni isaa Wallagaa Lixaa, Aanaa Mana Sibuu magaalaa Mandiiti. Gaafa hiriira guddiicha guutuu Oromiyaa hagayya 6, 2016 akkuma Oromoota biraa nagayaan irratti hirmaatee rasaasa waraana agaaziin laphee isaa jala mana sombaa irra rukutamee madaa’e. Isaa dhawamee ciisuu ijoolleen ba’atani gara hospiitalaatti yoo geessuuf fiigan ammaas agaaziin ijoollee isa ba’atanii fiiganitti dhukaastee, ijoollee isaan deemaniis rasaasni rukutee isaan marti madoo waliin kufan. Yoo kufan san Yohannisiis lafaan dha’anii madaa rasaasaa irratti lafeen dugda isaas caphxee akka malee miidhamee jira. Warra isa ba’atanii deeman kan agaaziin rukutte keessa mucaan tokko battalumatti akka du’e himama.

Yeroo ammaa dargaggoo Yohannis Girmaa Finfinnee Hospitaala Phaawuloositti yaalamaa jira. Yohaannis mucaa warra hiyyeessaa yoo tahu duraaniis baadiyaa irra magaalaa galee mana nama ta’ee hojii humna hojjatee jiraata ture. Yeroo ammaa gargaarsa xiqqaa ummataa oromootiin godhameefiin hospiitala paawulos geeffamee wal’aansa yaalaa argachaa jira. Akka ragaan mana yaalaa ibsutti mucaa kun yeroo ammaa miidhama guddaa irra jira. Madaa rasaasaa tan mana soombaa irra dhawame san dabalatee sababa lafeen dugugguruu duuydaa caphxeen handhuuraa gadiin narvoonni waan hojii dhaabaniif qaamni isaa mudhii gadiin guutumatti laamsha’ee jiru doktorri ibsee jira. Mucaan kun gargaarsa nama biraatiin ala of danda’ee sochoo’uus ta’ee ol godhachuus hin danda’u. Abbaa isaatu oliif gadi qabaa jira. Yeroo ammaa hanqinni baasii wal’aansaa (maallaqaa) akka isaan mudatee jiru dubbatan.

Akkuma beekkamu qabsoon bu’aafi faaydaa nama tokkoo osoo hin tahin qabsoon tan saba bal’aati. Akkuma qabsoon tan sabaa taate gootoonni qabsoo gaggeessaniis ilmaan saba saniiti. Qabsoon ilmaan oromoo kumaatamni irratti kufaniifi warraaqsi Yohaannis dabalatee ilmaan oromoo kuma danuun itti madaa’an tuniis dhimma gamtaa keenyaati malee tan dhunfaa isaanii qofaa miti. Kanaaf jaallan keenya kanneen qabsoo irratti miidhaman mara hanga dandeenyutti gaddaafi laalaa isaanii waliin qooddachuu qabna. Keessattuu warra maatii harka qaleeyyii irraa dhalatan, hiyyeeyyiin waan kiniina tokkoon illee bitatan hin qabne dirmanneefi lubbuu isaanii hanga danda’amutti eewaluuf yaaluun dirqama nama hundaati, gahee sabummaati. Namni sabaaf miidhame ilmaan sabaatiin yaalamuun qabsoo finiinsuun fiinxa bahiinsa injifannoo keenyaatiif daandii gabaabsa. Yoo nuti arra namoota qabsoo irratti miidhaman maddii hin dhaabbanne fuula dura immoo ‘waan yoo itti miidhaman namni nama jajjabeessu hin jirretti hirmaachuun ni ulfata’ yaada jedhuun hamileefi mirqaanni isaanii bu’uu mala. Kanaaf Yohaannisiis yeroo biraa daran amma deeggarsa keenya isa barbaachisa waan taheef ilmaan Oromoo addunyaa tana irra jirtan marti waan qabdan hiixachuun obboleessa keenya kana bira dhaabbachuun siif jirra jedhaan.

* Warri mucaa kana waan qabdaniifi waan dandeessaniin gargaaruu barbaaddan:
– Oromia international bank, Mendi branch, Account Number:- 484659, Name of Account: Girmaa Shifaara (Accountiin maqaa abbaa mucaatiin jira) kanaan erguufi dandeessan.

* Warri qunnamtanii waan inni irra jiru gaafachuufi jajjabeessuu barbaaddan:-
– Lakkoofsa bilbiilaa:- {0947443857 Yohaannis Girmaa, ykn 0906584732 Girmaa Shifaarra} kanaan qunnamuu dandeessan.

Soraa Halakee irraa

(VOA Afaan Oromoo) — Galma Walgahii Kongireesii Amerikaa, Capitol Hill jalqabanii,karaa guddaa DC keessa wadhakkaa bahu,Pennsylvania Ave gulaa yaahanii, Constitution Ave jedhaniin qaxxaamurani karaa gugurdaa irraa yaahaa, Minsitirii Haajaa Alaa Amerikaatti dabaranii,Baankii Addunyaa gahahanii bulchiinsa mootummaa Amerikaa, White House deebihanii rakkoo Oromoo irra gahuutti jiru jedhan himatan.

Hawaasa Oromoo Amerikaa fi Kanaadaa dhufetti rakkoolee mootummaan Itoophiyaa Oromoo fi ummata biyya isii hedduun irraa gahuutti jiraa jedhan himachaa ture.

Hiriira hardhaa kana irratti akka warri qopheesse jedhutti hawaasa Oromoo godina Amerikaa fi Kanaadaa jiru 33 waliin qopheesse.Jarii dhufe kun bulchoota naannoo isaaniitii Kongireesii Amerikaa keessatti filatame waajjira isaaniitti walti dhufee rakkoo Oromoon keessa jirtu himate.

Gama kaaniin ammoo fala koreen haajaa alaa miseensotii mana marii Amerikaa fi senetiin dhiyeesse Resolution 432 fi HR.861,ka akka Itoophiyaa keessatti mirgii nama eegamuu fi mootummaa wayyaa qabu jiraatu gaafatu akka Kongireesiin Amerikaa dafee murtii irratti kennuu gaafachuuf.

Tanaaf akka warrii qopheessu jedhutti nama 4,000 tahutti Amerikaa gama Kaabaatii dhufe Waashingiton DC galma Walgahii Kongireesii Amerikaa Capitol Hill duratti walti dhufee karaa gugurdaa magaalaa DC irra maree rakkoo himate

Hiriirii kun akka mootummaan Amerikaa Itoophiyaa horiin gargaaruu lakkisu,akka Tokkummaan Mootummootaa waraana nama hiriira bahe fixe jedhan seeraatti dhiyeessuu,seera malee nama hidhuu fi ijjeesuu dhaabattuu fi waan hedduu gaafate.

Discussions after the Grand Rally in Washington, DC, September 29, 2016

Waamicha Harmee Oromiyaa Irraa

  Dubartoota Oromo DMV Jiran Maraaf:

Haadhoti ijoollee Oromoo fi Oromiyaan dhiiga boohaa nuu birmadhaa jeechaa jiru.
Deebiin keenya maal tahuu akka qabu waliin mari’achuuf,

Guyyaa:  Sanbata, Onkoloolessa/October 08, 2016
          
           Sa’aatii: 2:00 Waaree Booda/PM
 
           Bakki: Waajjira Hawassa Oromoo Washington, DC ti (Oromo Community Organization – OCO)

           Teessoon: 6212 3rd St. NW, Washington DC 20011.
                      

Yaadadhaa!

Yeeroon sagantaa: waaree booda sa’a 2:00pm irraa jalqaba!
Dhiiga ilmaan keenya dhangala’aa jiruuf haadha iyyeessaaf haa birmannu!

Waamicha lammuummaa kana warra beektan hundatti nuu dabarsaa.

Galatoomaa,

IOWO

“Our prime purpose in this life is to help others, if you can’t help them, at least don’t hurt them.” –Dalai Lama

(Addis Standard) — The Oromo nation is East Africa’s largest ethnic group for its cultural, spiritual and social values. In Ethiopia, home to the majority of East African Oromo, the main celebration of Irreecha in  October coincides with the end of the summer rainy season. In a ceremony held every year at Hora Harsadii (Lake Hora ) in Bishoftu town, 45Km south east of the capital Addis Abe­ba, a gathering of millions of Oromo will give thanks to Waaqaa (God) and ask for Nagaa (Peace), Finnaa (the development of mind and body), Walooma (togetherness or harmony), and Araaraa (Reconciliation). They also pay respect to the previous generations of  Oromos who endured the odds and helped this colorful celebration sustain from generations to generations. Last year, during the last week of October, Addis Standard witnessed the gathering of, by state radio and television account, about 4 million Oromos to celebrate Irreecha. Shortly after the celebrations, Addis Standard  conducted the following interview with Alemayehu Diro (please see short Bio of our interviewee at the end of the interview), about the relevance of Irreecha for the Oromo nation and Ethiopia at large. Excerpts:

Addis Standard – If you can please start by telling us about the historical background of Irreecha(Thanksgiving) within the Oromo nation?

 Alemayehu Diro- Irreecha is one of the ancient ceremonial events taking place twice a year ever since the existence of Oromo as a nation. The Irreecha festiv­ity celebrated in Birraa (in September and October) is the cultural expression of Gal­ata (thankfulness) to Waaqaa (equivalent to the English word God) for providing life necessities to human beings and other living things. This is because the Oromo believe Waaqaa is the sole creator of everything and source of all life. It is also regarded as pure, omnipresent, infinite, incomprehensible and intolerant to injus­tice, crime, sin and all falsehood. It can do and undo anything.

Irreecha constitutes one of the several re­ligious and cultural practices defining the hallmark of the entire Oromo life. It has promoted and enhanced understanding and unity among the Oromo. It has helped build their common values and shared visions, and consolidated peace (Nagaa Oromo), tolerance and resilience. Dur­ing Irreecha festivity, the Oromo pray to Waaqaa for peace and stability to prevail; prosperity and abundance to exist; law and social order to be maintained; and the environment to be protected. The Oromo also pray to the supreme Waaqaa for de­liverance in times of difficulties and chal­lenges.

This cultural and religious practice of the Oro­mo was systematically outlawed for more than a century following the fall of the Oromo nation under the tyrant and brutal rules of Minilk II and subsequent Regimes. Despite several odds and difficult circum­stances, however,  Irreecha has begun to revive in the last two decades. The festivity has registered impressive development from year to year in terms of the number of people attending the occasion and cultural shows being demonstrated. In particular, the Irreecha festivity taking place at Hora Harsadii in Bishoftu has uniquely become Oromo-wide religious and cultural event drawing millions of people from all cor­ners of Oromia and beyond.

AS – How do you describe the main differ­ences between Irreecha and other tradi­tional or religious festivities celebrated by Ethiopians, such as Meskel, Christmas (Gena), or Easter (Fasika)?

 AD – All religious and cultural festivities prac­ticed by different people have some de­gree of similarities and differences. All such festivities describe worldviews of the respective people practicing them. By a worldview I mean a system of values, attitudes, and beliefs, which provide peo­ple with different mechanisms to understand the world around them.Irreecha, Meskel, Gena and other similar rituals are cere­monies that celebrate or commemorate specific events that have deep religious and cultural significance. Rituals serve to reinforce important religious and cultural beliefs through meaningful activities that bring comfort and unity of the respective followers. I think in this general sense we may talk of similarities of various religious and cultural festivities. However, since our value systems, attitudes and beliefs  are different, their reli­gious and cultural ceremonies and practic­es remain different.

In this regard, Irreecha is different from other festivities such as Meskel and Gena in that it provides the Oromo with mechanisms to understand their worldview. For example, it provides the Oromo in a unique and particular way a system of morality that establishes right from wrong, good and appropriate from bad or inappropriate behavior. The Oromo have complete sense of ownership, full control and leadership over Irreecha as an institu­tion. Some Oromo may attend and ac­company Meskel and Gena festivities but do not have shared objectives and decision-making powers on the institutions. Irree­cha is celebrated in the manner that the Oromo would like it to be. It is an inven­tion of the Oromo whereas Meskel and Gena are not.

AS – The Oromos’ participation in many spheres that define Ethiopia’s socio-political and socio-cultural landscape has been largely marked by absenteeism, particularly pri­or to the 1991 regime change in Ethiopia. And yet Irreecha has been one of the few festivities that the Oromos were able to preserve. Why do you think was that?

AD – I do not think the Oromo preferred ab­senteeism to participation. As the sub­ject people, the Oromo were denied the rights and opportunities to be part and parcel of mainstream socio-cultural and political economy of Ethiopia for over a century. Successive Ethiopian  Re­gimes have forcefully destroyed the Oromo Gadaa system, robbed of the Oromo land and natural resources, denied them official use of their language (Afaan Oro­mo), prevented them from exercising and developing their culture, and systemati­cally pushed them away from participat­ing in key economic matters. They were officially denied to be called Oromo and were given a derogatory name called Galla. Ethiopia’s successive regimes were nasty and hateful to anything Oromo. In short, the Oromo were reduced to slavery for over a century. Irreecha happens to be one of the Oromos’ religious and cultural rituals abandoned by these ruling regimes.

But despite the cruelty and enmity, the Oromo paid heavy sacrifices to preserve their language, cul­ture and religious values. At present, at least in thoery, the Oromo have repossessed their land and natural resources thanks to the 1974 revolution that led to state ownership of land proc­lamation. Afaan Oromo is the national working language in Oromia. Gadaa, the Oromo traditional democratic system of governance, is reviving. The traditional support systems such asBuusaa Gonofaa are also coming to existence. Irreecha is just one of the major cultural rituals the Oromo were able to preserve overcoming several odds and difficulties. It constitutes one of the vivid cultural renaissances the Oromo have been experiencing since the last few years.

AS – As of late the number of people attend­ing Irreecha in Bishoftu town has seen a significant increase. By a rough estimate between four to five millions Oromos were reported to have participated in the last Irreechaheld in October [2015]. Do you attribute that, as many peo­ple do, to the growing movement of Oro­mo nationalism?

AD – Attributing the growing number of partic­ipants in Irreecha to the growing Oromo nationalism is absolutely true. That is why millions of Oromos from various geo­graphical areas and religious backgrounds come together to attendIrreechaa at Hora Harsadi. Apart from its cultural and reli­gious functions, Irreecha symbolizes the unwavering unity and solidarity among the Oromo nation. We all understand that the festivity at Hora Harsadi is one of the biggest rituals in the country. We are also observing multiple localities in Oromia where people celebrate Irreecha on same or different dates in the same fashion as the one in Hora Harsadi. The Irreecha ritual is unexpectedly spreading across different countries and continents of our globe where the Oromo live as well. If we bring all these together, the attendants are numbering in tens of millions, which means the overwhelming majority of the Oromo are brought together because of Irreecha to pray for their unity, freedom and wellbeing. Verities of cultural dress­ings and songs plus associated joys, hap­piness and other emotions are self evi­dent expressions of the growing Oromo nationalism.

AS – Such assumptions emanate from the fact that many festivities conducted by the Oromo nation are often considered to have political significance in the strug­gle of the Oromo nation for a fair rep­resentation within the political sphere in Ethiopia. What is your reflection on that? Do you see any connection?

AD – The connection between Irreecha festivity and political system is widely vivid. Irree­cha, as it has been practiced in the last few years, is not only a mere cultural and reli­gious ritual. It serves as an opportunity for the Oromo to express their grievances and dismays with the prevailing system of po­litical governance. Using their songs, the Oromo publically express their concerns in relation to massive land grabbing prac­tices in the name of investment; denial of genuine and equal opportunities and political representations; harassment and deten­tion of people without due process of the law; and pervasiveness of corruptions and other perceivably unfair political practices.

I do not think there is better environment than Irreecha for interest groups aiming to understand feelings and concerns of the Oromo. I think many of us witnessed for years the detention and harassment of several young Oromos for peacefully ex­pressing their grievances to the govern­ment using their traditional songs. In this sense, Irreechaceremony is partly political because it is quite often used by the Oro­mo to voice their grievances and concerns. I think the government could have used Ir­reecha to listen to voices and aspirations of the people.

AS – Increasing number of Oromo literature assert the presence of Irreecha and oth­er Oromo festivals as having direct links with the term ‘Oromummaa’ (Oromo identity). There are in fact arguments that Irreecha is considered by many Oro­mo youth as a “rite of passage” to their ‘Oromummaa’. Can you share with our readers your reflection of that argument?

AD – I think, for the youth (which are also called the Qubee Generation) Irreecha is not a ‘rite of passage’ to theirOromummaa. The youth have obtained better opportunities to learn about the Oromo nation and iden­tifies that constitute ‘Oromummaa’ from their early time of socialization. They were brought up using their language (Afaan Oromo) for education, learning Oromo history and culture from the start, attend­ing multiple cultural ceremonies, etc. The youth are proud of being Oromo and prac­ticing ‘Oromummaa’. For instance, if one looks at the young and emerging artists, writers and fashion designers, they are the ones committed and dedicated to promot­ing‘Oromummaa’.

The youth are the driving force for ‘Oro­mummaa’ to [shine] and continue flour­ishing. The youth have taken initiatives to mobilize the older generations (the ma­jority of whom were passive) to play their roles to build ‘Oromummaa’ to its fullness. Irreecha as core component of ‘Oromum­maa’ is being driven by the youth. They have centered Irreechaon the underlying concept of ‘Oromummaa’. In short, my un­derstanding is that the older generations are credited for connecting (remnants of) Oromo rituals and practices constituting ‘Oromummaa’ to the new generation, and the young generation is credited for the courage and initiative they have taken to advance ‘Oro­mummaa’ as it should be.

AS – But at the same time there are strong, if not convinc­ing, arguments that there is no such thing as‘Oromum­maa’ and festivities such as Irreechaa are mere rituals practiced by the Oromo. How do you respond to that argument?

AD – I do not think this argument holds water. Basically, the significance of Irreecha is more pronounced as core component in the recon­struction of Oromo identity (Oromummaa) than prac­ticing mere religious beliefs. As discussed earlier, Irreecha has revived putting the Oro­mo identity foremost before anything else. That is why the Oromo Muslims and Christians have unreservedly joined the Irreecha festivity. The Oromo are massively mobilized from all corners to attend Irreecha rituals large­ly because “Oromummaa” as a common denominator is in a desperate need to ad­vance the cause of freedom, human dig­nity and social justice. Thus, disentangling Irreecha from ‘Oromummaa’ is not only erroneous but also unacceptable.

AS – Let’s talk about religion (mainly Christi­anity and Islam) vs traditional festivities by the Oromo. For example Meskel (the founding of the true cross in Orthodox Christianity) is known as ‘Damotii’ or ‘Masqalaa’ inAfaan Oromo and is cele­brated accordingly. Although Meskel is still widely celebrated among hundreds of thousands of Oromos, some assert that it has overshadowed the relevance of other Oromo festivities, most nota­bly Irreecha. Do you agree with that as­sumption? Why?

AD – In my view, Meskel and other externally imposed religious rituals were deliberate­ly and systematically designed to subdue the Oromo traditional rituals including Irreecha. These [religious] rituals have overshadowed the Oromo festivities not because the latter ones were irrelevant to the Oromo but because the Oromo were coercively reduced to the level they would not preserve and protect their cultural and religious rituals openly. These imported reli­gious and cultural rituals have no space to entertain anything  Oromo. The Oromo were utterly denied to express what they believed in. When the Oromo said they believed in Waaqaa (God), the imposed religions did not want to accept and rather openly preached that the Oromo were worshipping false gods, trees, rivers, mountains, etc. Defamation and humil­iation of the Oromo indigenous religion were the strategies consistently pursued. The Oromo were in a difficult position to fully accept and integrate themselves into these exotic religions. However, as subject people, they had no option but to practice what ‘their supposed masters’ told them to do. As the time passed, the Oromo began to assimilate to these im­posed rituals and started to attend their festivities. When opportunity opens up following the fall of the military regime in 1991, the Oromo did not take time to begin revitalizing their traditional rituals such as Irreecha.

AS – But on the flip side of that storyline, Ir­reecha has singlehandedly become the most celebrated Oromo festival. But there are growing concerns that it has overshadowed other Oromo festivities such as ‘Waaqeefannaa’ or the concept of worshiping God. Do you think there is a need to reverse this trend in such a way that other traditional and cultural values of the Oromo are equally recog­nized and celebrated?

AD – It is true that Irreecha has unprecedent­edly become the dominant Oromo ritu­al compared to other traditional ones. Strong Irreecha institution paves the way and complements other cultural rituals and practices. But despite its overwhelm­ing growth, Irreecha has not developed to the level required. As the time and condition allows, the Tulluu Irreecha, which takes place in spring, will have to develop in a similar manner as [Birra Ir­reecha]. The Irreechainstitution must de­velop to the extent that no force can once again brings down its functions and val­ues. More research, more dialogue, more institutional capacity building efforts, and stronger leadership are required to de­velop it into its fullness. I think stronger Irreecha institution feeds and waters oth­er cultural festivities to grow and flourish, not otherwise. We are witnessing the revival of other cultural rituals and prac­tices such as the different Gadaa rituals, cultural marriage practices and other ‘rite of passage’ rituals. The different cultural and religious rituals are interdependent and complement one another. They do not compete against each other as some people might think.

AS – Let’s move to the significance of Oromo festivities such as Irreecha to the national agenda. Do you think it is relevant? If so what do you think is its contribution to Ethiopia as a country?

AD – Irreecha constitutes the cultural and reli­gious treasury of the Oromo nation. It is one of the greatest pillars of the Oromo identity. It symbolizes the inherent unity and solidarity among the Oromo. That is why so much sacrifice has been paid to re­tain and revive its ritual for over a century. Nothing explains the relevance of Irreecha to the Oromo much more than the sacri­fice they paid. The cultural and religious values embedded in its traditional institu­tion are too big for the Oromo, who by in large constitute the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, to be irrelevant. In addition, Irreecha is connecting the Oromo nation with other peoples around the globe. I don’t see anything bigger that can cultur­ally contribute to the national agenda. It is also becoming one of the attractive rituals drawing attention of the ever growing num­bers of tourists, generating income for the country. In my view, recognizingIrreecha in the national agenda is long overdue.

AS – Lastly, do you think complaints that none of the Oromo festivities are marked as na­tional holidays in the Ethiopian calendar are justified? Some argue that Irreecha, its meaning being Thanksgiving, is as signifi­cant to the Oromo as Christmas is to the Christian Ethiopia.

AD – What is certain at this stage is that Irreecha continues to grow in breadth and depth. Its future is brighter no matter what. This is so because more or less the Oromo, par­ticularly the youth, have taken the matter into their hands.Irreecha does not need more justification to be marked in Ethio­pia’s calendar as a national holiday. As I have said earlier, it is long overdue. Rather, it is the government in charge of the affair that has to justify why it has failed to rec­ognize Irreecha in the official calendar as a national holiday.

_______________________________________.//____________________________

Ed’s Note: Alemayehu Diro studied economics (B.A in 1988) and Social Anthropology (M.A in 2004) at Addis Abeba University (AAU). He attended several international and national trainings in the field of development, conflict transformation and peace building, project cycle management, leadership, human rights, communication, micro finance, and gender, among others. He worked as development practitioner in the civil society sector for nearly 20 years , of which he spent 13 years working for HUNDEE – Oromo Grassroots Development Initiatives as Program Operation Manager; two years with Forum for Oromo Studies; and five years working as General Manager for Network of Civil Society Organizations in Oromiya). He also worked as a freelance consultant for several local and international NGOs. He is the founding committee member of Oromia International Bank S.C., Oromia Insurance Company and Gutu Oromiya Business S.C. Alemayehu, 47, is married and is a father of six children.

 *This Interview was first published on Addis Standard magazine A year ago in Nov. 2015

Source: criticalthreats.org

Yemen: ISIS assassinates security officer in al Mansoura district, Aden city; U.S. airstrike targets AQAP militants in Rada’a district, al Bayda governorate; Saudi-led coalition airstrikes target al Houthi-Saleh leadership in Razah district; protests continue in al Mansoura district, Aden city; al Houthi-Saleh forces announce missile developed in Yemen

Horn of Africa: Somali Federal Government requests U.S. explanation for September 28 airstrike; Ethiopian AMISOM forces may be returning to Ethiopia to stem protests; suspected al Shabaab militants assassinate Justice Ministry official in Waberi district, Mogadishu

Yemen Security Brief

• The Islamic State of Iraq and al Sham (ISIS) Wilayat Aden-Abyan assassinated a security officer with small arms fire in al Mansoura district, Aden city, on September 30. ISIS claimed the attack on social media. Colonel Ali Muqbil Awad Saeed, a political security officer and member of the southern resistance, died shortly after the attack.  ISIS assassinated a political security officer in al Mansoura on September 29 following a nearly one month of inactivity.[1]

• A reported U.S. airstrike targeted al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) militants in Rada’a district, al Bayda governorate on September 29. U.S. Central Command confirmed airstrikes targeting AQAP militants in al Bayda and neighboring Ma’rib governorates on September 28.[2]

• Saudi-led coalition airstrikes targeted al Houthi-Saleh leadership in Razah district, Sa’ada governorate, located along the Saudi-Yemeni border, on September 29. Coalition airstrikes killed ten civilians in the vicinity of the Razah market. The Saudi-led coalition began a new phase of operations to more aggressively target al Houthi-Saleh militants and leadership responsible for cross-border attacks on September 7.[3]

• Protesters continued demonstrations against Yemeni Prime Minister Ahmed Obeid bin Daghir in al Mansoura district, Aden city on September 30. Mismanagement of the state’s limited resources as caused multi-day power outages in Aden city. The state has also failed to pay government workers. Prime Minister bin Daghir led Friday prayers and called for social cohesion and unity on September 30.[4]

• Al Houthi-Saleh forces unveiled a new missile they claimed was developed and built in Yemen. The missile, dubbed the “Sumud” or “Steadfastness,” has a 300 kilogram warhead and an effective range of 38 kilometers. Al Houthi-Saleh forces unveiled another purportedly Yemen-made ballistic missile, the “Borkan-1,” on September 2.[5]

Horn of Africa Security Brief

• The Somali Federal Government submitted a formal request for the United States to explain a September 28 airstrike near Galkayo in the Galgadud region. The Pentagon says the airstrike killed nine al Shabaab militants. The local Galmudug Administration claims the airstrike killed 22 Galmudug security forces.[6]

• A significant portion of the Ethiopian African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) contingent may have returned to Ethiopia to stem widespread protests, according to unverified reports. Ethiopia’s Oromo ethnic group began protesting the Ethiopian government’s land grabs, intended to expand the capital Addis Ababa, in late 2015. The Oromo protests have sparked demonstrations throughout the country. Ethiopian security forces have killed approximately 400 protesters since December 2015. The Ethiopian military contributes approximately 4,500 of AMISOM’s 22,000 troops.[7]

• Suspected al Shabaab gunmen assassinated a Justice Ministry official in Mogadishu on September 29. The militants shot Mohamed Aden Qordhere as he left a mosque in the Waberi district of Mogadishu.[8]

Ayyaana Irreechaa bara 2014

WASHINGTON, DC (VOA Afaan Oromoo) — Dilbata Onkolooleessa 2 bara 2016 magaalaa Bushooftuu keessatti kan kabajamu ayyaana Irrechaa mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa siyaasa isaa tarkaanfachisuuf itti gargaaramaa jira jechuun Kongrasiin Federaala Oromoo himatee jira. Abbootii Gadaa dura qabuun karaa harka jalaan hojjatu haala ajjechaa hidhaa fi dorsiisa Oromiyaa keessaa aguuguuf fiigichaa fi qohilee sirbaa itti dabalanii qindeessaa jiru jedhu. Dura ta’an Abbootii Gadaa fi abbaan Gadaa Tulamaa Bayyanaa Sanbatuu garuu guyyaan dorgommii figichaa guyyaa jala bultii ayyaanchaa ti jedhu. Qophileen sirbaa akka hin jirre beekna jedhanii namni fedhe hunduu dhufee ayyaaneffachuuf mirga qaba jedhan.

Waajjirri Aadaa fi Turizmii Oromiyaa gama isaan ayyaanichi abbootii Gadaan kan qophaa’ee fi gama beeksisuu fi qorannaa jajjabeesuun qofa itti hirmaanne jedha. Ergaan siyaasaa ayyaana kana irratti dhiyaatu tokko hin jiraatu jechuun ergaan darbanis ayyaana kana kan calaqqisan qofa jedhee jira. Yuneeskoon ayyaana Irrechaa kan galmeessu ykn beekkannoo kan kennuuf barana waan ta’eef qophiin addaa kan gaafa jala bultii ayyaanichaa gaggeeffamu qophaa’uu ibsee jira.