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Ethiopia limits foreign diplomats’ movements

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New restrictions are part of a six-month state of emergency declared by the government eight days ago.

Ethiopia has also banned access to foreign-based opposition media [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

Ethiopia has also banned access to foreign-based opposition media [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

(Aljazeera) –Ethiopia has restricted foreign diplomats’ travel, in new provisions of a state of emergency as part of its response to an unprecedented wave of anti-government protests.
Inside Story – What’s fuelling protests in Ethiopia?

New restrictions published in local media state that foreign diplomats are forbidden from travelling more than 40km outside the capital, Addis Ababa, “for their own security”.

“This is a state of emergency and we expect repressive measures,” a Western diplomat told AFP news agency on condition of anonymity on Monday.

OPINION: The ‘Ethiopia rising’ narrative and the Oromo protests

“But we also expect an opening of the political space for the opposition as stated by the president in front of the parliament. This is not what seems to be happening,” the diplomat added.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is following developments in Ethiopia “with concern”, his spokesman said on Monday.

The UN chief urged Ethiopian authorities to uphold human rights and called for calm and “inclusive dialogue to resolve all grievances.”

Internet access cut

The new measures include a 6pm to 6am curfew around factories, farms and government institutions, which have come under attack from protesters in recent weeks.

They also include a 50km “red zone” adjacent to the country’s borders in which it is illegal to carry firearms. The areas around several key roads have also been declared red zones.

Why is Ethiopia under a state of emergency?

Political parties are “banned from giving press statements that incite violence” and religious leaders are forbidden from making political statements.

Security forces are banned from going on holiday or resigning their jobs.

The measures also make it illegal to watch television stations set up by the diaspora ,such as Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and the US-based Oromia Media Network (OMN).

Posting links from these organisations’ websites onto social media has also been declared a “criminal activity”.

Cellphone internet access has been cut for almost three weeks in most parts of the country, including the capital.

“There is a pressing concern that the Ethiopian authorities will need even less of a pretext to prevent foreign journalists from doing their work during the state of emergency,” said Will Davison, head of the Foreign Press Association, an informal gathering of foreign correspondents in Ethiopia.

READ MORE: ‘I am not seeking asylum in the US’ says Oromo Olympian

The death toll from unrest and clashes between police and demonstrators over the past year or more runs into several hundred, according to opposition and rights group estimates. At least 500 people have been killed by security forces since anti-government protests began in November, New York-based Human Rights Watch group said in August.

The government says such figures are inflated and has denied that violence from the security forces is systemic. In August, it rejected a United Nations request to send in observers, saying it alone was responsible for the security of its citizens.

The anti-government demonstrations started in November among the Oromo, Ethiopia’s biggest ethnic group, and later spread to the Amhara, the second most populous group.

Though they initially began over land rights, they later broadened into calls for more political, economic and cultural rights.

Both groups say that a multi-ethnic ruling coalition and the security forces are dominated by the Tigray ethnic group, which makes up only about 6 percent of the population.

The government, though, blames rebel groups and foreign-based dissidents for stoking the violence.

Abdirahman Mahdi: ‘Ethiopia is now boiling’ – Talk to Al Jazeera

Source: News Agencies


KDF soldiers deployed to Sololo after raid by Ethiopian army

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Daily Nation, Nairobi, Kenya  | Monday Oct. 17, 2016

By KEN BETT and By ANGIRA ZADOCK,

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A view of a section of Sololo town, Marsabit County on October 17, 2016. Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) soldiers from the Oda Camp have been deployed to the area after a herder was killed during a raid by Ethiopian army on Sunday. PHOTO | KEN BETT | NATION MEDIIA GROUP

Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) soldiers from the Oda Camp have moved to Sololo after the Ethiopian army raided a village in Marsabit. On Sunday, at around 3pm, about 100 Ethiopian soldiers entered Kenya and surrounded Golole Village, about 9km west of the Sololo police station.

The soldiers claimed they were pursuing Oromo Liberation Front militants suspected to have killed police officers in Ethiopia.

In the process, a herder was killed by the Ethiopian soldiers.

Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) in operation

Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) in operation

This is what prompted KDF soldiers to be deployed to the area.

Marsabit Acting police commander Mark Wanjala said the deceased was herding his camels at around 3pm when he was shot.

“On Sunday, about 100 soldiers invaded Golole in search of members of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) after the latter killed several soldiers in Ethiopia following a fierce fighting,’’ Mr Wanjala said in his office adding they were repulsed by KDF who are still patrolling the area.

He said tension has gripped the residents of the area, nine kilometers from Sololo police station along the Kenya-Ethiopia border following the incident.

In Summary:

  • On Sunday, at around 3pm, about 100 Ethiopian soldiers entered Kenya and surrounded Golole Village, about 9km west of the Sololo police station.
  • Marsabit Acting police commander Mark Wanjala said the deceased was herding his camel’s at around 3pm when he was shot

Why the ‘Planned’ Human Rights Violation in Ethiopia Should Be a Global Concern

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Protesters chant slogans during a demonstration over what they say is unfair distribution of wealth in the country at Meskel Square in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa, August 6, 2016. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri - RTSLDSO

Protesters chant slogans during a demonstration over what they say is unfair distribution of wealth in the country at Meskel Square in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, August 6, 2016. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri – RTSLDSO

(Venture Africa) — The Ethiopian government has announced the rules that will guide the 6-month state of emergency declared last week. The conditions bar diplomats from going beyond 40km outside the country’s capital city of Addis Ababa because of “their own safety”.

The government has also categorized posting about the country’s situation on Facebook and other social media as a criminal offence. Unfortunately, these deliberate human rights violations that should be a global concern are yet to be seriously condemned globally.

Other things outlawed during this period in Ethiopia include broadcast media. Ethiopians cannot watch the TV channels Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio and Oromia Media Network, which are both based outside the country. The government says those media belong to “terrorist organisations”.

There are also reports that listening to other foreign media that have constantly reported the crisis in Ethiopia has also been banned and criminalized. Protests have also been banned in the country and a 6pm – 6am curfew imposed.

The Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency last week Sunday. Ventures Africa explained that a state of emergency may be less effective and the Ethiopian government will need more than this suppressive approach to restoring order to the country.

The latest rules guiding the state of emergency are items that amount to human rights violation that has been deliberately put together by Ethiopia and targeted against the Oromia people. The United States, a major ally to the East African country, has also refused to condemn this attack on human rights.

Since the protest in Ethiopia began about a year ago, the number of people killed has been put at no fewer than 500. If the silence from international stakeholders persists, the people of Ethiopia, particularly those with dissent voices to the government would be a subjected to the worst human rights violation ever witnessed in Ethiopia in recent times.

Jill Stein Condemns Oromo Killings (Video)

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(The Horn Magazine) — On October 5th, 2016, hundreds of people gathered at Pershing Square in Los Angeles to see the woman who is fighting for peace, universal healthcare, and the rights of marginalized groups in America. The crowd roared for Jill Stein, the Green Party presidential candidate, as she talked about bringing down the two-party system and putting an end to the country’s history of committing and supporting discrimination. Before she went on stage, I had the opportunity to speak with Dr. Stein and get her thoughts on the Ethiopian government.

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justicegazette.org

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YahNe Ndge (L), Kor Element (R)) ©2016 by R. Hull andjusticegazette.org

As a reporter for the PawPrint, Bonita High School’s newspaper, I attended the rally in hopes of hearing about Dr. Stein’s policy towards countries that disregard human rights. Pershing Square, which seemed to be deserted, was soon packed at the sight of Jill Stein. What was a night filled with speakers and poets demanding Native American soverignty, clean energy, immigrant rights, and an end to crippling student loan debt and mass incarceration, became even more remarkable, when Jill Stein did what no other U.S. presidential candidate has been able to do- condemn the killings of innocent Oromos by the Ethiopian government.

Early October, hundreds of Oromos (a tribe in Ethiopia) were killed in a celebration when they started chanting about the current regime stepping down. This is the same regime that has senselessly killed  and tortured thousands of Oromos for decades. I asked Dr. Stein to respond to the actions of the Government of Ethiopia and she choose to condemn the killings of Oromos.

Dr. Stein said, “The fact that the Ethiopian government was terrorizing people who were asserting their basic rights of democracy is a very terrible thing.”

While I was ecstatic to hear Dr. Stein’s remarks, her statements were predictable. Jill Stein represents the Green Party, which has always been known for promoting peace worldwide and condemning decisions by the United States to support dictatorial governments. In fact, no other U.S. presidential candidate has criticized Israel and Saudi Arabia, U.S. allies and known human rights abusers, like Dr. Stein has.

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Jill Stein & Pershing Square crowd ©2016 by R. Hull andjusticegazette.org

However, if Dr. Stein and the Green Party have been consistent on denouncing abuse abroad, why did she require a question from me to acknowledge what is happening in Ethiopia?

The answer is that death and torture is not as meaningful if it is coming from Ethiopia. While the death toll may continue to rise everyday, even well-meaning liberals and peace activists will not take notice unless we force them to.

Every soul in Ethiopia could be terminated by the Ethiopian government and not one media station would cover it. People on all sides of the political spectrum that are not living in Ethiopia will never take notice of what is happening on their own fruition. Instead, Ethiopians all across the world must be the ones to demand actions and statements from political leaders and news organizations. We must be the ones that shout at the top of our lungs until the cries of Oromos are heard, because the lives of our brothers and sisters depend on it.

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Makaria Yami, Jill Stein, and Miles Nolte at Pershing Square.

Ethiopians face five years in jail for posting on Facebook as ‘state of emergency’ rules set in

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The flow of opposition reports about unrest has already started to dwindle

By Adam Withnall Africa Correspondent

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Ethiopian soldiers try to stop protesters in Bishoftu, in the Oromia region of Ethiopia AP

(The Independent) — Ethiopians who post statuses on Facebook about the country’s growing political unrest could face up to five years in jail, as part of a series of measures under a “state of emergency” that grow more stringent by the day.

Ethiopians who post statuses on Facebook about the country’s growing political unrest could face up to five years in jail, as part of a series of measures under a “state of emergency” that grow more stringent by the day.

The government has imposed the longest blanket ban on mobile internet services in the capital Addis Ababa since protests began a year ago, and access to messaging platforms like WhatsApp has been heavily restricted.

The measures are designed to stifle people’s ability to organise protests, amid calls for greater political freedoms and recognition from the ethnic Oromo and Amharic groups.

Access to foreign-based media has also been restricted, including Deutsche Welle and Voice of America, which both have popular Amharic stations. Two TV stations run from the US for the Ethiopian diaspora, ESAT and the Oromia Media Network, have been banned.

And the new rules even seek to ban people from carrying out certain gestures “without permission”. They include crossing arms above the head to form an “X”, a political symbol that has become synonymous with the Oromo struggle and featured at the Rio Olympics and Paralympics.

UK rights charities are particularly concerns that under the emergency rules, which are expected to be in place for the next six months, foreign diplomats will have their movements heavily restricted.

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Protesters chant slogans against the government during a march in Bishoftu, in the Oromia region of Ethiopia (AP)

The government says diplomats are not allowed to travel more than 40km (25 miles) from the capital, Addis Ababa, without permission, and say it is for their own safety.

But the rights group Reprieve told The Independent there are serious concerns this could limit the access Britons have to consular services. They raised the case of one UK citizen, father-of-three Andy Tsege, who is on Ethiopia’s death row and held at a jail some way outside the capital.

“Andy’s family in London, who cannot contact him, are sick with worry,” said Maya Foa, a director at Reprieve. “Amid this crisis, it’s shocking that the UK continues to rely on Ethiopia’s vague, broken promises of regular consular access and a lawyer for Andy. Boris Johnson must urgently call for Andy to be returned home to his partner and kids in Britain.”

Ethiopia is a key strategic ally for the US and European countries in the fight against Somalia’s Islamist insurgency, al-Shabaab, and Addis Ababa is the home of the African Union.

The global importance of the country’s stability has meant Western governments turning a blind eye to its authoritarian leadership. In June, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front cut off nationwide access to social media – on the grounds of preventing exam result leaks.

The new ban on internet services has already made a noticeable impact on the flow of reports of unrest coming out of the country via on-the-ground activists.

Ethiopian state media reported that 1,000 protesters had been arrested in the central Oromia town of Sebeta since the state of emergency was declared on 8 October, and ahead of an investment conference in the town which began on Monday.

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Festival goers flee during a deadly stampede in Bishoftu, on October 2, 2016 (AFP/Getty Images)

FBC said those detained were suspected of damaging property, but there was little in the way of opposition reports to give the other side of the story.

The emergency rules include a ban on using social media to contact “outside forces”, and Ethiopians risk jail if they communicate with any “anti-peace groups designated as terrorist”.

Finally, the rules stipulate a curfew of 6pm to 6am in which members of the public may not visit factories, farms and government institutions, which have come under attack in recent weeks.

The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has urged the Ethiopian government to ensure “the protection of fundamental human rights” during the state of emergency, and the president has announced some electoral reforms in order to try and reach out to protesters.

A Western diplomat told the AFP news agency those changes had not yet materialised, however. “This is a state of emergency and we expect repressive measures,” the diplomat said.

“But we also expect an opening of the political space for the opposition as stated by the president in front of the parliament. This is not what seems to be happening.

‘Africa Rising’? ‘Africa Reeling’ May Be More Fitting Now

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The Economist published a cover story titled “Africa Rising.” A Texas business school professor published a book called “Africa Rising.” And in 2011, The Wall Street Journal ran a series of articles about economic growth on the continent, and guess what that series was called?

“Africa Rising.”

The rise seemed obvious: You could simply stroll around Nairobi, Kenya’s capital, or many other African capitals, and behold new shopping malls, new hotels, new solar-powered streetlights, sometimes even new Domino’s pizzerias, all buoyed by what appeared to be high economic growth rates sweeping the continent.

For so long Africa had been associated with despair and doom, and now the quality of life for many Africans was improving. Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were getting clean water for the first time. In Kenya, enrollment in public universities more than doubled from 2007 to 2012. In many countries, life expectancy was increasing, infant mortality decreasing.

But in recent months, as turmoil has spread across the continent, and the red-hot economic growth has cooled, this optimistic narrative has taken a hit. Some analysts are now questioning how profound the growth actually was.

“Nothing has changed on the governance front, nothing has changed structurally,” said Grieve Chelwa, a Zambian economist who is a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard.

“Africa rising was really good for some crackpot dictators,” he added. “But in some ways, it was a myth.”

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A cafe in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, in October. Mulugeta Ayene/Associated Press

No place exposes the cracks in the “Africa rising” narrative better than Ethiopia, which had been one of the fastest risers.

Ethiopia is now in flames. Hundreds have been killed during protests that have convulsed the country.

The government, whose stranglehold on the country is so complete that not a single opposition politician sits in the 547-seat Parliament, recently took the drastic step of imposing a state of emergency.

Many of the Ethiopia’s new engines of growth — sugar factories, textile mills, foreign-owned flower farms — now lie in ashes, burned down in an antigovernment rage.

At the same time, a report by the McKinsey Global Institute, an arm of the consulting firm McKinsey & Company, just listed Ethiopia as the fastest growing economy on the continent from 2010 to 2015. The Democratic Republic of Congo, which is also rapidly sliding toward chaos — again, was second.

Political turmoil on the one hand, rosy economic prospects on the other. Can both be true?

“It comes down to how sustained the turmoil is,” said Acha Leke, a senior partner at McKinsey.

South Sudan, which topped The Economist’s list in 2013 of the world’s fastest-growing economies, is now a killing field, the site of one of Africa’s worst civil wars.

Mr. Leke, one of the authors of the McKinsey report, says that political turbulence can drag down any economy, and that the growth of recent years has not been shared among the people nearly as widely as it could have been. According to a recent report by the African Development Bank, unemployment in sub-Saharan Africa remains close to 50 percent and is a “threat to social cohesion.”

As Mr. Leke said, “You can’t eat growth.”

Still, he says, there have been fundamental — and positive — changes on the continent, like increases in disposable income for many African consumers.

Mr. Chelwa, the Zambian economist, has a different view. The fundamentals of African economies have not changed nearly as much as the “Africa rising” narrative implied, he said, with Africa still relying too heavily on the export of raw materials and not enough on industry.

“In Zambia, we import pencils,” he said.

He also points out that some of the fastest-growing economies, like Ethiopia, Angola and Rwanda, are among the most repressive. These governments can move ahead with big infrastructure projects that help drive growth, but at the same time, they leave out many people, creating dangerous resentments.

In Ethiopia, that resentment seems to be growing by the day.

The trouble started last year when members of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo, began protesting government land policies. Soon Ethiopia’s second largest ethnic group, the Amhara, joined in, and the protests have now hardened into calls to overthrow the government, which is led by a small ethnic minority.

If you track the news coming out of Ethiopia, you would not be a fool to think it is two totally different countries. One day, there is a triumphant picture of a new electric train, with Chinese conductors standing next to shiny carriages. (China remains a huge investor in Ethiopia.) The next, there are grisly images of dead bodies that witnesses said were people gunned down by the police.

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A light-rail station in Addis Ababa this month. A report by the McKinsey Global Institute, an arm of the consulting firm McKinsey & Company, recently listed Ethiopia as the fastest-growing economy in Africa from 2010 to 2015. Mulugeta Ayene/Associated Press

Several witnesses said the security forces might be beginning to split, with some officers taking off their uniforms and joining the protests.

The most recent economic data shows Africa’s growth slowing because of political instability and a global slump in commodity prices. Morten Jerven, a Norwegian economic historian who has studied statistics from across Africa, argues that the growth was never as robust as had been believed.

He said that the economic indicators for many African economies in the 1990s and early 2000s were inaccurate, and that the economic progress in the last five to 10 years that appeared to have been sudden was, in fact, gradual.

In other cases, Mr. Jerven said, African governments made bold economic assumptions or simply used fake numbers to make themselves look good. “The narrative had been too rosy,” he said.

Africa Yearning or Africa Struggling might be a more apt characterization, but neither of these is especially new. Whatever narrative emerges should include what Mr. Chelwa calls the continent’s “ghastly inequality,” and the sharp increase in the number of people who are now better equipped with technology and information and are demanding more from their governments.

Of course, it is difficult to apply a sweeping narrative to all 54 countries in Africa, where analysts agree that the picture is mixed. For instance, Rwanda remains stable with new businesses and floods of tourists while its neighbor Burundi teeters on the edge of chaos.

Some of the same economic factors that investors cite as grounds for optimism, like Africa’s growing cities, cut both ways. According to Mr. Jerven, rapid urbanization in Africa often leads to sprawling slums, low wages and legions of disenfranchised youth.

Ethiopia: Draconian measures will escalate the deepening crisis

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Whole content of the state of emergency in PDF

b6f17f578c1965a4a30bb567bdd3c39fe618501f

ETHIOPIA DEMONSTRATIONS

(Amnesty International) — Heavy-handed measures by the Ethiopian government will only escalate a deepening crisis that has claimed the lives of more than 800 protesters since protests began in November 2015, said Amnesty International today after the government issued a directive imposing wide-ranging restrictions as part of a state of emergency.

The directive authorises arrests without warrants, as well as rehabilitation measures. When such measures have been used in the past, they have led to arbitrary detention of protesters at remote military facilities without access to their families and lawyers.

“These emergency measures are extremely severe and so broad that they threaten basic human rights that must not be curtailed even under a state of emergency,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

“These measures will deepen, not mitigate, the underlying causes of the sustained protests we have seen throughout the year, which have been driven by deep-seated human rights grievances. These grievances must be properly addressed by the authorities. Further crackdowns and human rights violations will only make the situation worse.”

It is the government’s failure to constructively engage with the protesters that continues to fuel these protests. It must now change course”

Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

In a public statement issued today Amnesty International recommends that instead of further curtailing human rights, the government should seize the moment and recommit itself to respecting, protecting and fulfilling them, in line with its regional and international obligations.

“It is the government’s failure to constructively engage with the protesters that continues to fuel these protests. It must now change course,” said Muthoni Wanyeki.

“The government must ensure an end to excessive and arbitrary use of force by the security forces against demonstrators and release all protesters, opposition leaders and supporters, as well as journalists and bloggers, arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly.”

At least 600 protesters have been killed in Oromia and 200 in Amhara since November last year.

Background

Protests began in November 2015 when ethnic Oromos took to the streets fearing possible land seizures under the government’s Addis Ababa Masterplan, which aimed to expand the capital’s administrative control into Oromia. The protests continued even after the Addis Ababa Masterplan was scrapped, evolving into demands for accountability for human rights violations, ethnic equality and the release of political prisoners.

Protests later spread to Amhara, a region that has long complained of marginalization.

The worst incident involved the death of possibly hundreds of protesters in a stampede on 2 October at Bishoftu, about 45 kilometres southeast of Addis Ababa, during the Irrecha religious festival. Protest groups say the stampede was caused by the security forces’ unnecessary and excessive use of force. The government has denied this, instead blaming the deaths on “anti-peace forces.”

‘Ethiopia must end crackdown on peaceful opponents’– US envoy to UN

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Whole content of the state of emergency in PDF
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(Africa News) — Samantha Power, the United States ambassador to the United Nations has called on the Ethiopian government to end the crackdown on peaceful opponents.

She also called for an end to mass arrests citing particularly the rearresting of Blen Mesfin, a member of the opposition who was first detained in April last year.

Mrs Powers took to her twitter handle to make the call, adding that the government was not going to succeed with the clampdown because it was sel defeating. She joins several western diplomats who have expressed worry about the use of repression by the government under new curfew rules.

According to humanrights.gov, Blen Mesfin was arrested along with Meron Alemayehu, and Nigist Wondifraw. The three were among a number of opposition party members and others arrested and charged with inciting violence in Addis Ababa in April 2015.


Ethiopia is currently under a 6 month state of emergency where anti government protests are banned. There have bee restriction on movement and on the use of social media and some conventional media.

Blen, Meron, and Nigist are said to be leading members of Ethiopia’s Blue Party, which advocates peacefully for democratic principles and has faced numerous obstacles in exercising freedom of association and assembly both in the build-up to May 24 parliamentary elections, and thereafter.

All three were arrested in Addis Ababa in the days following the April 22 protests and charged with inciting violence at the rally.  Alemayehu and Wondifraw were released from prison in November 2015 while Mesfin is still imprisoned.


Ethiopia’s list of banned activities

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Whole content of the state of emergency in PDF

(CNN) — Ethiopia has imposed severe regulations under a new six-month “state of emergency” as it faces unprecedented levels of unrest across the country, a first in the government’s 25-year rule.

The government says the state of emergency was put in place to prevent further loss of life and property, but many activists worry the new rules serve as a way to limit criticism and allow the government to use a heavy-handed approach to opposition.

The measures, announced October 16, cut across rights of communication and assembly, and have been criticized by human rights activists. Amnesty International said they “are so broad they threaten basic human rights that must not be curtailed.”

In the last month, 1,000 people have been arrested, said a mayor of a town close to Addis Ababa, according to state-affiliated media outlet FBC.

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What is behind the Oromo protests? Ethnic Oromos from Mogor town, West Shewa Zone, participating in the nationwide protest on August 6, 2016

What is behind the Oromo protests? Protestors clashed with security forces and more than 100 people were killed, according to Amnesty International

What is behind the Oromo protests? Protestors clashed with security forces and more than 100 people were killed, according to Amnesty International

What is behind the Oromo protests? The protests took place in more 200 towns and villages across Oromia, Ethiopia's largest region, and were attended by hundreds of thousands of people.

What is behind the Oromo protests? The protests took place in more 200 towns and villages across Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and were attended by hundreds of thousands of people.

What is behind the Oromo protests? The Oromo people are the single largest ethnic group both in Ethiopia and teh Horn of Africa

What is behind the Oromo protests? The Oromo people are the single largest ethnic group both in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa

Unrest began in Ethiopia as two of the country’s largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara, demonstrated against sustained marginalization.

The tension hit a peak earlier this month, when at least 52 people were killed in a stampede at a religious festival in the Oromo-dominated area of Bishoftu. The government disputed opposition reports that police fired live rounds into the crowd, saying all deaths stemmed from a stampede caused by “troublemakers.”

These are some things that are now illegal in Ethiopia:

Posting on social media

The new rules ban the use of social media, mobile devices or any means of communication to send messages the government deems will “create chaos, suspicion or discord among people.”
While the Internet and social media have often been blocked across the country throughout the unrest, people within Oromia have used social media during the protests to share videos and coordinate activities, and discuss new information.

Crossing wrists above one’s head

In what has become a symbol of solidarity with the Oromo people, crossing wrists above one’s head as if in handcuffs is now banned in the country.

The symbol became internationally recognizable after Olympic silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa made the gesture while crossing the finish line at the Rio Olympics.

Diplomatic travel

Diplomats are prohibited from traveling more than 40 kilometers outside the capital Addis Ababa without authorization.

Addis Ababa is home to many international organizations, including the African Union, United Nations offices and embassies.

Curfew

After a series of attacks on foreign-owned firms, including a textile firm and a cement factory, the government has enforced a 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. curfew around “economic pillars, infrastructural projects and investments.”

Ethiopia has touted itself as a site of foreign investment and boasted of double-digit economic growth, growth that advocates say has not spread equally across the population.

Watching ‘terrorist media’

Foreign-based television stations, Ethiopia Satellite Television and Oromia Media Network, were forbidden after being defined by the government as “terrorist organizations.”
Ethiopia ranks low on the World Press Freedom Index (at 142 out of 180 nations) for “using terrorism charges to silence the media.”

“Government continually uses the ‘terrorism’ narrative to stifle independent voices, as many of the dozens of journalists, opposition politicians, and activists convicted under the anti-terrorism law can attest to,” said Felix Horne Ethiopia, senior researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Too often those that are associated with the ‘opposition’ are labeled as ‘terrorists.'”

The Ethiopian Government Must Reach Out To The Oromo And Amhara

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What is behind the Oromo protests? Protestors clashed with security forces and more than 100 people were killed, according to Amnesty International

What is behind the Oromo protests? Protestors clashed with security forces and more than 100 people were killed, according to Amnesty International

Liberia (Daily Observer) — The Ethiopian government has done a remarkable job in economic recovery. From one of Africa’s poorest nations, it has emerged in the past several years as one of the world’s fast growing economies.

At last count, Ethiopia has been growing at the rate of 10% per annum. That is even greater than the mighty China and most other advanced economies.

Not only that. Ethiopia has a fast growing industrial enterprise. It is manufacturing beverages, sugar, and steel, and grows and exports coffee, cut flowers, oilseed and cotton.

These are in addition to the mighty Ethiopian Airlines, a world leader in the business, reputed to be almost crash-free, and also time-conscious.

Recently, with the help of the People’s Republic of China, Ethiopia inaugurated a railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti, giving the empire direct access to the sea, from which to export its products. This is a critically important new development since Ethiopia lost its access to the sea through Eritrea’s Asmara seaport. Eritrea gained its independence in 1993; and in 1998, war between the two nations broke out. But after Ethiopia, with the upper hand in the conflict, entered Eritrea in May 2000, a peace treaty was signed.

But all of Ethiopia’s impressive accomplishments have been marred by conflict with her two largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and the Amhara. Both groups feel they have been marginalized by the Ethiopian government. The Amhara are the ethic group of the late former Emperor, Haile Selassie who, along with Liberia’s President W.V.S. Tubman,
Ghana’s President Kwame Nkrumah, Guinean President Sekou Toure and Nigeria’s Prime Minister Tafewa Balewa, laid the foundation for the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU—now African Union).

Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in 1974, followed by the ascendancy of the ruthless and brutal dictator, Menghistu Haile Merriam. He was later overthrown and sought exile in Zimbabwe, where he still lives.

We urge the Ethiopian government to negotiate immediately a ceasefire with the Oromo and Amhara and begin talks with them toward ending their marginalization, bringing them into the government and reaching out to their areas with education and development.

This marginalization, we submit, is the root cause of the conflict, and the Ethiopian government must develop the political will to sit with the leadership of the two groups toward reconciliation.

The Ethiopian government must remember the experience of Liberia, its closest ally in Africa over many decades since the Second World War. Ethiopia and Liberia were the only two independent African nations that helped form the United Nations, and were part of the decision making leading to the formation of the major UN Agencies, including the United Nations Development Program, the UN Declaration on Human Rights, World Health Organization, and the Bretton Woods organizations—the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, the International Finance Corporation, etc.

What is happening in Ethiopia is exactly what happened to Liberia. The settler elite which founded Liberia in 1822, led by the American Colonization Society, wielded power exclusively, especially since the founding of the Commonwealth of Liberia in 1839 and more especially since Independence in 1847. This was done to the exclusion of the indigenous majority, comprising Liberia’s 16 ethnic groups.

All of this lasted until April 1980, when a bloody military coup d’état occurred, overthrowing the government of President William R. Tolbert Jr. A military dictator, Master Sergeant Samuel K. Doe, emerged. He, along with 16 enlisted men, had staged the coup. They killed President Tolbert and his topmost officials. Unfortunately, Doe proceeded to exclude most of the other coup makers, except those of his ethnic Krahn group. And this helped lead the country to civil war.

It was marginalization that led to conflict in Senegal, when the people of the Casamance region took up arms against the Senegalese government. The Casamance people felt excluded, contending that all the development was taking place only in and around the capital city, Dakar. Fortunately, the government has finally commenced fruitful talks with the Casamance leadership, leading to peace.

We pray that Ethiopia’s main partners, especially the African Union, People’s Republic of China, United States and the European Union, will diplomatically engage Addis Ababa towards forging reconciliation with the Oromo and Amhara. The key to this is power sharing and bringing the benefits of development to all parts of the country.

Without this, all of the admirable development gains taking place in Ethiopia will not be sustainable.

Remember the prosperity of Southern United States, created on the backs of African slaves. Was it sustainable? No! It led to civil war and the total destruction of southern civilization, classically epitomized in Clark Gable’s epic American movie, Gone With the Wind!

Yirgacheffe Washing Stations Destroyed

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 yirgacheffe_destruction_5 yirgacheffe_destruction_6 yirgacheffe_destruction_4 yirgacheffe_destruction_3 yirgacheffe_destruction_2 yirgacheffe_destruction_1

(Seattle Coffee Works Blog) — Even before the flight to Ethiopia for this season’s visit to our coffee partners there, I was apprehensive about the country’s political situation. Ethiopia has long been governed by an authoritarian regime providing stability to an otherwise unstable region (Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and Yemen are all directly neighboring or nearby countries). At the same time, the government has been criticized for well-documented human rights violations. The country continues to be one of the poorest countries in the world, with an explosive population growth of around 2.5% per year. It also has seemed on an economic upswing in recent years withdouble-digit GDP growth and quite a few major infrastructure projects underway (e.g. hydro-electric damn on the Nile, new highways to the South, new train line from Addis Ababa to the port city of Djibouti, light rail in Addis Ababa).

There had been political protests all summer long this year. From distant Seattle, at first it seemed as if the main reason for political unrest was the fact that the largest ethnic group (the Oromo) was not represented in government. Ethiopia, I had understood from previous visits was ruled by the Amhara, the second largest ethnic group which had also been the ethnicity of the last Ethiopian emperor (this was, in fact, not quite the correct understanding as the last emperor was of both Amharic and Oromo descent). I thought the rift was mainly Oromo vs. Amharic government as seen frequently in the last couple of decades.

But as I learned quickly during this visit, the political landscape in Ethiopia has changed, with Amhara and Oromo people now often protesting against the minority government under prime minister Desalegn, a member of the Tigrayan ethnic group (which is around 6% of the total population compared to 34% of Oromos and 27% of Amharas).

I am in no position to fully understand, let alone document, the political landscape of Ethiopia (check out this concise overview of recent developments). I did just want to write a quick note about what happened in the famous coffee town of Yirgacheffe last week.

Last week’s events in Yirgacheffe
I heard that 28 of the approximately 40 private washing stations were burnt down in and around the small town of Yirgacheffe. It’s unclear who the arsonists were. As a good friend confirmed, none of the washing stations in the cooperative system (Yirgacheffe Union) were destroyed, and also 13 private washing stations were spared.

yirgacheffe_washing_stations

What exactly happened here can only be speculation. Did the locally defined ethnic groups in Yirgacheffe (mainly Gedeo) mean to send a signal to the minority of mostly new-comer Amhara and Oromo private washing stations owners who have been so successful in helping build the Yirgacheffe brand in the last four decades?

Did some of the cooperative movement want to get rid of what they perceived as greedy business people owning the washing stations? (Private washing stations and cooperative washing stations usually pay similar amounts for coffee cherries on the day of picking, but the unions often also provide a second, post-season payment to the cooperatives’ member farmers – something most private washing stations and their owners have not traditionally done.)

Was the government trying to penalize the hard-working private washing station owners for simply doing well in a country run by a semi-socialist government?

We might never know. All the same, what happened last week was a tragedy for those involved. The burning of washing stations and at least one private dry mill located in Yirgacheffe seems to have had little to do with the goings on in other parts of Ethiopia. It seems the overall political situation was simply used to settle scores unrelated to politics in the country at large. Again, this is just one interpretation, and likely we’ll never know.

What the burning of  28 washing stations means for the 2016-17 crop year in Yirgacheffe coffee remains to be seen. Friends from Yirgacheffe directly affected by this tragedy said they’ll be able to rig together provisional working washing stations in the next two or three weeks. They will try to get as ready as they can to process this crop’s coffee cherries. If they don’t, there is sure to be a shortage of processing capacity in Yirgacheffe this year, and that might mean any number of things:

  1. coffee cherries left on the trees because there won’t be enough processing capacitity;
  2. lower quality because washing stations won’t have enough drying space to process the coffee;
  3. lower availability of Yirgacheffe coffee and increased prices for the coffee that does come through;
  4. further decreased income for already poor small holder farmers in the Yirgacheffe region.

However we look at the situation, it’s a disaster, something the Yirgacheffe region can hardly afford. Please send your thoughts (and if you like, prayers) to all involved. All of Ethiopia and specifically the people in tiny Yirgacheffe can use all the help they can get to pull together after this huge upset.

Note: The author was in Ethiopia from October 13-16, 2016. Because of the current state of emergency, he was not able to leave Addis Ababa during that time. All the information in this blog post is from Ethiopian friends who are involved in the coffee industry and specifically in Yirgacheffe. The pictures were shared with the author with the explicit request to share them further. No names are provided here to protect all parties involved.

New Ethiopian clampdown

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(DW) –Ethiopia has curbed foreign diplomats’ travel and banned access to foreign-based opposition media in latest provisions tacked on to the state of emergency, introduced in response to a wave of anti-government protests.

Infografik / Karte Protests and violence in Ethiopia, 2016

Diplomats are not permitted to travel more than 40 kilometers outside the capital, Addis Ababa. New restrictions published in local media on Sunday also include a 30-mile “red zone” adjacent to the country’s borders in which it is illegal to carry firearms. The measures include a 6:00 pm to 6:00 am curfew around areas where factories and major government institutions are based, which have come under attack from protesters in recent weeks. These are just some of the new restrictions added to the state of emergency as part of the Ethiopian regime’s response to an unprecedented wave of anti-government protests against its authoritarian rule which has left hundreds dead.

Dr. Merara Gudina, head of the Oromo Federalist Congress, told DW that the Ethiopian regime sees the state of emergency in part as “legal cover” so it can continue with its present policies. “The regime is in its worst crisis since it took over in 1991. Across the country people are resisting the regime, that is why it declared a state of emergency,” Gudina said. He remains optimistic and added that the opposition will continue with their peaceful struggle for change.

Ethiopia State of Emergency Merkel (picture alliance / AP Photo)Ethiopia’s government declared a six-month state of emergency shortly before the arrival of the German Chancellor

Media restrictions

Political parties are banned from giving press statements that “incite violence” and political leaders are banned from making political statements. It is also illegal to watch the Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and the US-based Oromia Media Networt (OMN) television channels. These have been described as “belonging to terrorist organizations.”

Private print media companies in Ethiopia have been brought to a standstill. “Because of the state of emergency most of the private media houses have cancelled their contract to print our newspaper,” Getachew Worku, a journalist with Ethio Mehdar Newspaper, told DW. He said that private media companies using government printing houses were the only ones still functioning. The rest can only publish sports-related content, but no politics, economics or social issues. Tewodros Kassa, another journalist in Ethiopia told DW that private media companies were afraid of the new rules for the state of emergency, and therefore couldn’t publish.

The use of social media has also been restricted. Posting of links from so-called “terrorists organizations” to various social media platforms has been declared a “criminal activity.” Cellphone internet access has been cut for almost three weeks in most parts of the country, including the capital.

Impact on the economy?

“What is Ethiopia hiding?” asked Ulrich Delius from The Society for Threatened Peoples in Göttingen, Germany. He wondered whether it was necessary to impose such harsh restrictions on rights groups, journalists or people interested in the country’s background. The country’s Oromo and Amhara communities – which together make up 60 percent of the population – have been protesting for nearly a year against marginalisation by a government largely made up of minority Tigrayans, which has control of the country and the economy.

The anti-government demonstrations started in November last year among the Oromo, Ethiopia’s biggest ethnic group, and later spread to the Amhara, the second most populous group. Although the protests were initially sparked by disputes over land rights, they later broadened into calls for more political, economic and cultural rights for the ethnic groups.

Delius told DW that some solidarity between the groups is emerging, especially in the Amhara region. He said that the new stringent rules were a sign that the government was afraid that protests might spread to other regions.

There were also broader economic concerns. “The investors are alarmed, they are even talking about leaving Ethiopia.” Delius also said the economic impact of the unrest and crackdown could be huge “depending on the next steps the government takes.”

Deutschland Merkel in Äthiopien Empfang mit militärischen Ehren (picture-alliance/AP Photo/M. Ayene)German Chncellor Angela Merkel visited Ethiopia last week. It was the final leg of a three-nation African tour.

Help from the international community 

International rights groups estimate that the crackdown has left more than 500 dead. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn promised last week to reform the electoral system and “open up political space.” “For sure he [Hailemariam Desalegn] wanted to make  a good impression on German Chancellor and the international media which were present at that time,” said Delius.

Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel visited Ethiopia last week. Gudina from the Oromo Federalist Congress thinks that the international community should start to exert pressure on the country. “We talked to your Chancellor [Angela Merkel] and we told her that it’s time for the international community to help us out of the situation by pressuring the regime to change,” Gudina told DW.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is urging the Ethiopian government to ensure “the protection of fundamental human rights” following its imposition of stringent rules under its state of emergency.

Amnesty Sees Ethiopia Unrest Worsening on Emergency Measures

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By Eric Ombok and William Davison

Ethiopia has also banned access to foreign-based opposition media [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

Ethiopia has also banned access to foreign-based opposition media [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

  • Restrictions give authorities sweeping powers, group says
  • At least 800 people killed in protest over past 11 months

(Bloomberg) — Restrictions introduced by the Ethiopian government to curb unrest in the Oromia and Amhara regions will only deepen turmoil that’s claimed more than 800 lives since protests began at the end of 2015, Amnesty International said.

“These emergency measures are extremely severe and so broad that they threaten basic human rights that must not be curtailed even under a state of emergency,” Regional Director Muthoni Wanyeki said in a statement e-mailed Tuesday. “These grievances must be properly addressed by the authorities. Further crackdowns and human-rights violations will only make the situation worse.”

The restrictions are unlikely to solve the political crisis, the U.S. Embassy in the country said.

The set of directives under the six-month state of emergency declared on Oct. 9 include authorizing arrests without warrants, as well as “rehabilitation measures,” Wanyeki said. Instead, all protesters, opposition leaders and supporters, journalists and bloggers arrested in recent months should be released, she said.

Protesters Killed

Protests began in Ethiopia in November when Oromo people, the nation’s largest ethnic group, alleged unfair expropriation of farms, state repression, economic and political marginalization of the community. There have also been anti-government demonstrations in which people were killed by security forces in Amhara, the second-most populous region. Combined, they present a major challenge for the ruling coalition that’s controlled Africa’s second-most populous nation for 25 years.

About 1,000 people were arrested in Sebeta town near Addis Ababa, the capital, on suspicion of involvement in protests that included damage to factories and flower farms this month, the ruling party-linked Walta Information Center said Tuesday. Detainees can be held for the duration of the emergency period and then either sent to trial or be set free after undergoing rehabilitation programs, according to the directive.

Diplomat Restrictions

The emergency measures enable the authorities to detain suspects without trial and have criminalized expressions of support for demonstrations. Ethiopians can be punished for watching opposition satellite channels, diplomats need permission to travel, and it’s prohibited to make contact with foreign governments or charities in a manner that undermine “national sovereignty and security,” according to a translation published on the U.S. Embassy’s website.

“The measures appear to give sweeping authority to security forces to detain individuals without warrant or trial for exercising their human rights including freedom of expression and assembly,” the embassy said in an e-mailed response to questions. “We encourage the government to focus on addressing the legitimate concerns of its citizens rather than further restricting their ability to raise those concerns.”

Government spokesman Getachew Reda wasn’t immediately available for comment on Wednesday.

Internet shutdown could cost Ethiopia’s booming economy millions of dollars

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A woman walks on bridge to a station of the city's light railway, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Monday, Oct. 10, 2016. Ethiopia's government on Monday blamed Egypt for supporting outlawed rebels and forcing the declaration of the country's first state of emergency in a quarter-century as widespread anti-government protests continue, though Egypt last week denied any support for the Ethiopian rebels. (AP Photo/Mulugeta Ayene)

A woman walks on bridge to a station of the city’s light railway, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Monday, Oct. 10, 2016. Ethiopia’s government on Monday blamed Egypt for supporting outlawed rebels and forcing the declaration of the country’s first state of emergency in a quarter-century as widespread anti-government protests continue, though Egypt last week denied any support for the Ethiopian rebels. (AP Photo/Mulugeta Ayene)

(QZ) — The internet shutdown in Ethiopia will drain millions of dollars from the economy, besides undermining citizens’ rights to impart and seek information, observers of the current state of emergency say.

Mobile internet remains down across the country since the government announced a six-month, nationwide emergency in early October. The government also this week banned the use of social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter to communicate or to document the ongoing unrest in the country.

Ethiopia, the second most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, has one of the lowest rates of internet and mobile phone connectivity in the world. The current protests, which have engulfed the country since Nov. 2015, have only exacerbated that situation. More than 500 people have died in the protests in both the Amhara and Oromia regions according to rights groups, 55 of whom died during a religious festival on Oct. 2.

Authorities shut down access to social media in the Oromia region four times this year, Access Now, an organization that defends the digital rights of users across the world says. With the escalating protests, however, the government has now also cut mobile internet in the capital Addis Ababa, estimating the loss of millions of dollars. In the current crackdown, access to fixed internet lines to business was however reportedly relaxed and up, but mobile internet remained off.

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Limited internet access in Ethiopia. Restricted internet access in Ethiopia following the state emergency in early October. (Google Transparency Report)

The thinking behind this blanket shutdown is to curb the spread and flow of information about the unrest, says Endalk Chala, a doctoral candidate in media studies at the University of Oregon, and one of the co-founders of the Zone 9 blog in Ethiopia. (The bloggers, who have gained international recognition, have been arrested and arraigned in court in Ethiopia for almost 40 times since April 2014, and some of them have even fled the country to live in exile.)
“This is a typical textbook example of repression. You shut down media, you arrest dissidents and try to use propaganda to co-opt,” Chala told Quartz. The ban on the internet, he said, is similar to the government’s directive in 2005, when it blocked text messaging via mobile phones for two years, after accusing the opposition of using it to organize anti-government protests following the elections.

Chala says the move will be quite unsustainable in the long run. The state-owned Ethio Telecom is the sole provider of internet, and while 3G is widely available in the country, few users can afford the expensive data service. A recent Brookings Institution report showed that a total 30-day disruption of the internet between July 1, 2015, and June 30, 2016, cost Ethiopia’s economy over $8.5 million.

internetaccess

The latest restriction of internet access has drawn concerns from both regional and international bodies. The African Commission on People and Human Rights, which is based in Addis Ababa, said the government should unblock the internet in the country. As a rising economic powerhouse, Ethiopia is facing a critical moment as two of the country’s biggest ethnic communities protest against the government.

“Internet shutdowns do not restore order,” Ephraim Percy Kenyanito, the sub-Saharan Africa policy analyst at Access Now recently wrote. “They hamper journalism, obscure the truth or what is happening on the ground, and stop people from getting the information they need to keep safe.”

To a large extent, the government might be succeeding in muffling both the direct flow or the volume of information coming out of the country, Chala says. “But I am not sure if they will stop the movement [of protest] that is already out of their control,” he said.

Ethiopia – A Human Catastrophe is Looming in Ethiopia

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Appeal to the UN Secretary – General Mr. Ban Ki – moon

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon
The Secretary-General
The United Nations
New York, NY 10017
bkm@un.org
U.S.A.

October 20, 2016

First of all, let me introduce to you to the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

“The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) was originally founded in Ethiopia in 1996      under the name “Human Rights League (HRL)”; it was silenced at the outset by the country’s present authoritarian regime, which jailed its officers- including myself. It was then re-launched from the Diaspora in 2007 by exiled founders and members of the HRL.  It was then re-named the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA), and registered as a non – profit and non – political organization in Ontario, Canada on the 14th of June 2007.

Dear Secretary-General,

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa wants to express its deep concern about what is happening in Ethiopia to its citizens. On October 8, 2016 a state emergency was declared to allow the government to deal freely and brutally with continued protests in Oromia and Amhara Regional States that began over eleven months ago.

The Oromia Regional State human rights crisis began in November 2015 when the Ethiopian government began a brutal crackdown on growing peaceful protests against marginalization and injustice throughout the Oromia regional state. The Agazi force- the specially trained killing squad- was used against protesters. There was widespread torture and execution of children. The protests spread and all walks of life in Oromo became involved in the protest. The merciless attacks of the Agazi force against the protests did not stop the angry protesters- rather the attacks escalated into a full-conflict between the TPLF dictatorial government and unarmed Oromo civilians. The crisis continued for over eleven months in which hundreds were killed and thousands injured and hundreds of thousands of detentions have been documented.

On October 2, 2016 the government’s inhuman and genocidal action against the Oromo people at the Irrecha Festival dramatically changed the situation in Oromia for the worse. The TPLF government used live lethal ammunition on the ground and, with air gunship support, killed hundreds on the spot and pushed the crowd to the ditch where hundreds of women, children, seniors and youth died in a stampede on Oromo’s Thanksgiving Day festival. This deliberate and horrific action of the government against absolutely unarmed and innocent citizen left over 700 deaths and over 1000 others wounded.

Dear Secretary – General,

This TPLF government’s genocidal actions have turned the continued peaceful protests to violence and government linked properties have been destroyed in several locations in Oromia, including small towns around the capital city Sebeta, Alem Gena, Kara Qore and other towns.  Instead of calling for negotiation with the stakeholders, the government has recklessly waged a full- scale war against unarmed civilians under the pretext of the “the State of Emergency” declared on October 8, 2016. The State of Emergency declared on October 8, 2016 bans among other things:   Social media,  Broadcast Media, Protests, Gestures ( well-known Oromo gesture, Crossing hands above Head)Diplomats, Guns, strikes, walking or talking in groups etc.  As well, there is a curfew.

The TPLF Government immediately deployed its Killing squad Agazi in towns and even deeper into small villages in Oromia, Amhara, Konso and other regions to absolute silence all dissent. But people continue to protest in Oromia region in different places and in Amhara regional state ignoring the state emergency bans. For example, in Bahr Dar city, the dwellers made a three day strike after the state emergency and the strike is currently spreading to the City of Gondor.

In the name of hunting the individuals who destroyed the government and government linked investments, the government has detained thousands people in Oromia in various places.

For example, the government has admitted that 1000 people have been arrested in Sebata the small town near the Capital city.  Arsi and Gujii zone (Bulee Hora ) are the most repressed zones in the  southern part of Oromia where a wife and husband have been killed in their home in Arsi zone and over 200 people have been arrested.

 Dear Secretary – General

It is difficult to receive information from the country since all means of communications are banned by the state emergency declaration- as well, the internet and telephone lines are denied to the public. This has made it difficult to get the facts on the ground. However, we managed to obtain some information from social media and through Viber calls. According to our informants the youth and family heads from almost all villages in Oromia left their homes and are living in Oromia forests to hide from the killing squad of Agazi.

Running from villages and homes poses more problems primarily that of getting food for themselves as well for their family members left behind. In Ethiopia from November through January is the season when the crops are harvested. As we all know, the Ethiopian agricultural system is agrarian where people come together to help each other to harvest their crops. Since coming together for any reason is banned by the government, this makes it very difficult for people to harvest their crops.

In the name of territorial sovereignty and integrity, the TPLF government has closed its territory and is committing atrocities against its own people. Since the diplomatic community is included in the state emergency declaration, even the diplomatic community, including the International Red Cross in Ethiopia, cannot freely travel beyond 40 km to regional states. This has been done intentionally to hide the atrocities taking place in Ethiopian regional states from the world community.

As we all know, the Ethiopian TPLF led government has regularly turned down the requests of governments,  government agencies (UN Human Rights Commissioner, UN Human Rights Experts, EU parliament, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Right)  and International human rights organizations requests to allow an independent body to investigate human rights violations in the country. The rejections of the Ethiopian government clearly show that the government of Ethiopia is committing atrocities against its citizens behind a secret curtain- and wants to keep it that way.

On behalf of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, I sincerely urge you to use your mandates:

  • “The Secretary-General is a symbol of United Nations ideals and a spokesman for the interests of the world’s peoples, in particular the poor and vulnerable among them.
  • The Secretary-General to bring to the attention of the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may threaten the maintenance of international peace and security
  • One of the most vital roles played by the Secretary-General is the use of his “good offices” — steps taken publicly and in private, drawing upon his independence, impartiality and integrity, to prevent international disputes from arising, escalating or spreading

To bring the human catastrophe in Ethiopian to the attention of the member states and the main organs of the UN including to the UN Security Council:

  • To intervene to stop the looming genocide using their mandate of the R2P before it is too late.
  • To urge the ICRC to travel to the victimized areas to give necessary humanitarian aid to the victims using the ICRC’s Mandate and Mission “The ICRC is an independent, neutral organization, ensuring humanitarian protection and assistance for victims of armed conflict and other situations of violence”

Sincerely,

Garoma B. Wakessa

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)
·         Tel:-  (416) 492 2506 or (647) 280 7062, 
·         E-Mail:-  hrldirector@mail.org  or admin@humanrightsleague.org
·         Web site;- www.humanrightsleague.org

Director – HRLHA


Ethiopia’s Declaration of State of Emergency on Oromia is an equivalent of Derg’s “Red Terror.” : Here is why

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By Leelloo Sabaa, October 20, 2016


In Ethiopian Empires’ political history, the year 1977-78 is remembered as the year when Mangistu Haile Mariam’s political power   was absolutely threatened and his rule was shaken. The opponents to his power became so strong and lethal such that Mangistu was forced to declare “Red Terror” on its real or imagined enemies to its reign in Ethiopia between 1977-78.  By this declaration of “Red Terror” (Mangistu’s state of emergency),  Mangistu asserted that all “progressives” were given freedom of action in helping to root out enemies of his rule. Peasants, workers, public officials and even students loyal to the Mangistu regime were provided with arms to: assassinate, kill, imprison and loot as they wished. Militia attached to the Kebeles, the neighborhood watch committees were given freedom to train their gun on anyone with whom they have even personal but no ideological disagreement. All people allied to Mangistu went into killing spree and even children were not spared. During these years of “Red Terror”, Amnesty International estimated that up to 500, 000 to 2,000,000 people were butchered and thousands were left on the street for their body to decompose. In May 1977, the Swedish general secretary of  Save the Children Fund estimated too that “1000 children have been killed and their bodies are left in the streets and being eaten by wild hyenas.” Parents of the deceased were asked to collect the bodies of their loved ones by paying money for the bullet wasted killing their children.

All this crimes against humanity and genocide were planned and executed under the watch of the United Nation, United State of America, Europe and African Union.  However, all this horrendous decision and action by Mangistu Haile Mariam did not safe his regime from collapse but lead to the collapse of his terrorist regime and his demise from the political scene by running for his life to Zimbabwe were he was sentenced to death in absentia in the year2008.

mengistu

Mengistu Haile-mariam

As the Oromians struggle for the right to self-determination for Oromia started to tie a rope around the neck of Ethiopia’s colonial and brutal rule in Oromia,  on October 11, 2016, the government of Ethiopian Empire lead by Wayyaanee declared its so called state of emergency, Derg’s equivalent of “Red Terror.”  According to this declaration of ‘Red Terror” on Oromians, Ethiopian colonial government in Oromia suspended all rights that have never been there after all. It declared that all human right laws provided for in its colonial constitution (that have never been there after all) have been suspended for six months. According to this declaration of “Red Terror” by the terrorist Ethiopian empire government in Oromia, all military, security and administrative agents loyal to the regime have the right to: kill, arrest, rape,  imprison, confiscate properties of Oromians who Wayyaanee considers real or imagined enemy. No warrant of arrest or search are required from the court to : arrest, imprison, kill, torture Oromians and confiscate the properties they got by their sweat labeling them they belong to the Oromo Liberatin Front, the vanguard, the restorer and the savior of Oromian independence and the dignity of its citizen.

Having got freedom to: kill, loot, rape, arrest, imprison, and torture Oromians from the Prime Minister of Ethiopian colonial and brutal rule in Oromia, Ethiopian: military, security and administrative organs have intensified their “Red Terror” on innocent Oromians since October 11, 2016. In Oromia, bodies  of innocent Oromian killed on the :street, in the forest, in the mountain, urban, towns and country sides are decomposing and being eaten by wild hyenas and rogue dogs. On the top of big trees in Oromian forests today, you can see vultures who fed on the bodies of young Oromians butchered by wayyaanee under those trees. You can see young and innocent Oromian students riddled by Ethiopian soldiers bullet who got full lee way to do whatever they want on Oromians from: Haile Mariam Dessalegn, Abbay-Tsehaye, Saamoraa and Abbaa Duulaa Gamada. The entire Oromia is in prison today.All this crimes against humanity and genocide against Oromians have continued to be committed, still under the watch of : United Nations, European Union, the USA, African Union in Oromia and all foreign Ambassadors. As we witnessed the Ruwandan genocide of the 1994 under the watch  of the United Nation then lead by Kofi Anan, we are witnessing genocide being committed on Oromians under the watch of the United Nation lead by Bank Moon. As Menelik, killed 5,000,000 Oromians and reduced Oromian population by half, the reign of “Red Terror” declared  on Oromians today  by Haile Mariam Dessalegn and his god fathers will definitely going to be existential threat to Oromia and Oromians. This “Red Terror” by Haile Mariam and his god fathers is involving poisoning: rivers, food, drugs, alcohol and beverages. Viruses (HIV/AIDS)and bacteria, as well as using poisonous gases (chemical weapon) are being used. Than more than any time in its history of slavery under Ethiopia, Oromians are under threat  of extinction today.

The national duties under such a circumstance is to rise up in unity to defend ourselves from Ethiopia and its puppets that is bent on securing its life only by exterminating us from the face of Oromia.  If we think, we are going to be immune from this reign of horror by Ethiopian colonial rule lead by Haile Mariam, the 500,000 up to 2000000 people killed by Mangistu Haile Mariam is going to be like a Christmas gift. Before it is to late, the national call for all  of us Oromians from all walks of life is to rise up and save ourselves from extinction.   Today, we are witnessing “the harma muraa and harka muraa Annoolee” repeating itself by the order from Haile Mariam Dessalegn. Today, we are witnessing “the Calii Callanqoo and Watar Massacre” repeating itself. Today, we are witnessing the repeat of Boruu Meda”  massacre by Yonnis of Tigray. If we do not stand up for our survival today, the killing spree of 5,000,000 Oromians by Menelik is going to look like a Christmas movie.

Today, Oromia is in crisis of unparalleled magnitude ever seen since its birth.  We are under the threat of the enemy that is determined to destroy us the same way aborgines were exterminated in the USA, Australia and  Europe. If we are expecting any foreign power to save us, we are going to be like a sheep that is waiting to be slaughtered on the Christmas or Arafa .

The vehicle is already on the road and moving forward toward securing our survival and freedom from all threats in its all forms from Ethiopia and its colonial governor Haile Mariam Dessalegn. That vehicle is the Oromo Liberation Front, committed from its establishment to guarantee the survival and freedoms of Oromians by defeating Ethipian colonal rule in Oromia and declaring an Independent and Democratic Republic of Oromia, the surest way to save Oromians from extinction. The Oromoo Liberation Front is our insurance and guarantee for safety and security  tomorrow and for posterity. The Oromoo Liberation Front lead by Chairman Daawwud Ibsaa is our: Spear, shield and sword. Our todays situation does not need any bickering but   to be at the war front defending our people from extermination. At the war front, in the trenches of Oromia, defending our people and securing our future, we find our gallant sons and daughters of Oromoo Liberation Front, the Oromoo Liberation Army and its Youth wing Qeerroo Bilisummaa. From each one of us, big or small, old or young, female or male, rich or poor, educated or uneducated, from urban or countryside, from students or teachers, from employed or unemployed, the situation in which we find ourselves need unwavering and practical support for   The Oromoo Liberation Front and its armed wing, the Oromoo Liberation Army and its youth wing, Qeerroo Bilisummaa.  

hailemariam

Haile-mariam Desalegn

By all means at our disposal, lets sharpen its capability and strength over the enemy whose dream is only to eradicate us from our God given and blessed country, The Republic of Oromia. Let’s rise up and stop this enemy from achieving its dream of finishing Oromians and  bring them to the court of free Oromia. We have to redouble our effort more than ever before. We have to mobilize all our savings and wealth for our survival through The Oromo Liberation Front. We have to witness the day Haile Mariam Dessalegn and his god fathers face justice in our life time.  Lets give Ethiopian colonial rule in Oromia the last blow. Lets show to our enemy the miracle of the power of Oromians. Lets defeat this enemy and freely exercise our right to self determination for Oromia through free and internationaly observed referendum.Lets realize :free, united, peaceful, prosperous and happy life the pioneers of the struggle for Oromian independence envisaged for Oromians.

By our blood we shall defend ourselves!

The bickering is the flood gate of the enemies!

Victory to the Oromoo People!

Oromia Shall Be Free !

 

 

 

 

 

What Is Going On In Ethiopia?

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By Charlotte Allan 

(Huntington Post) — The athlete looked up at the sky when he crossed the finish line, and made an X shape above his head with his wrists. The stadium cheered, a new moment in history was made. Later when he took to the podium with ‘Ethiopia’ written across his top to collect a medal for the marathon he had run, he made the gesture again.

Two months after the 2016 Olympics, this protest salute made by runner Feyisa Lilesa before a TV audience of millions, is still the most audacious red flag on what was a largely ignored iceberg. The iceberg being the Ethiopian state’s deadly crackdown on its Oromo people. His protest was in support of the struggles of an estimated forty million Oromo in Ethiopia’s Oromia region against an authoritarian rule historically committed to keeping them in their place. In a month that has seen Ethiopia call a State of Emergency in an attempt to stop the massive Oromo protests from spreading, Lilesa’s daring stand and the will he-or-won’t he question of whether he will return to Ethiopia continues to force the subject onto the global news agenda and encourages people to ask: who are the Oromo and why are they protesting?

The answers lie in the history of the Oromo. The Oromia region was once made up of autonomous sultanates with distinct cultural traditions. Its people lived on the land for over five hundred years before the Abyssinian Empire moved in and established its new capital of Addis Ababa in the centre of Oromia at the end of the 1800s. What followed was a mass eviction of the Oromo, and then a state waged campaign against them, continued to this day by the modern Ethiopian government, which has previously sought to extinguish Oromo traditions, ban the language of Oromiffa in schools, and prevent Oromo civil and political status.

For the last year, the Oromo have been protesting the Ethiopian government’s plans to extend the capital into Oromia further still, however in recent months the protests have turned into a broader call for a multi-ethnic government, justice and the application of the rule of law. The Amhara ethnic group, their number estimated at 20 million, have now begun their own protests in the Amhara region and voiced their concern at a repressive government made up of one ethnic group. However since the protests began, at least 500 deaths have been confirmed, reports of torture and forced disappearances are widespread and an additional one thousand people have been detained so far in October alone.

Media attention on the protests therefore couldn’t come at a more important time. Since Lilesa’s salute and following a horrific stampede at an Oromo thanksgiving festival at the start of October, killing between 52 and 300 people (concrete figures are difficult to come by in Ethiopia) after police used teargas, rubber bullets and batons on protesters, the Ethiopian government has ordered a six month state of emergency. It has also continued to blame the violence and deaths at protests on banded opposition groups and gangs funded by Ethiopia and Eritrea, the former of which has already denied the claim and the latter of which has maintained a frosty silence. Human Rights groups however implicate the security forces in the deaths.

As a result of the state of emergency, Ethiopia is on lock down. Foreign diplomats have been banned from travelling more than 40kms outside the capital, protests in schools, universities and other higher education institutions are forbidden, there are country-wide curfews, security services are barred from resigning, satellite TV, pro-opposition news and foreign news are banned and posting links on social media a criminal activity. In short, there is a total news black-out of anything that is not state sponsored.

On the African continent, condemnation of Ethiopia’s actions by African governments has been very quiet. However, the protests have been well covered by African media and civil society organizations particularly in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa, while protests supporting the Oromo have taken place in South Africa and Egypt.

Although it is disappointing that African governments have not spoken out, it is important that the Ethiopian diaspora, along with African and global civil society continue to call loudly for an independent investigation into the deaths and violence occurring and that wealthy Western governments continue to evaluate their support for the increasingly authoritarian Ethiopian state.

Indeed an independent investigation is key and not without precedent. The Burundian government vowed to cooperate with an African Union investigation into state abuses only this week. However, the Ethiopian government should also be pressed to pass inclusive multi-ethnic state reforms as quickly as possible before this crisis escalates. The Oromo and Amhara are 65% of the Ethiopian population so it is suggested the Ethiopian government tread more thoughtfully and less violently because as precedents on the continent show, mismanagement can lead to devastating losses in any numbers game.


charlotteCharlotte Allan 
Lawyer, Blogger, Hyper-Activist

Charlotte Allan is a lawyer and human rights activist from the UK. She has lived in Egypt, Switzerland, France and Tanzania, and is currently based in Johannesburg, South Africa as the Policy & Advocacy Officer for CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation. She has previously worked as a Protection Advisor for UNHCR and as a Legal Advisor for African Middle Eastern Refugee Assistance (AMERA). Her specialisms are refugee law, women’s rights and global protest movements while her other passion is using pop culture to engage youth in politics and activism. You may tweet with Charlotte at twitter

Ethiopia’s State of Emergency: Authorizing Oppression

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By Elizabeth Fraser and Anuradha Mittal

The government of Ethiopia has responded to a groundswell of protests, which are calling for democracy and human rights for all, by imposing a six-month long state of emergency, effective October 8.

The list of measures curtailing freedoms through the emergency are far-reaching. They include bans on: social media; accessing news outlets such as the US-based ESAT and Oromo Media Network; participating in or organizing protests without government authorization; making gestures, including the infamous crossing of arms above your head; and visiting government, agriculture or industry facilities between 6pm and 6am. With Addis Ababa as the seat of several international organizations including the African Union, foreign diplomats are now only allowed to travel within a 25 miles radius of the capital. Security forces have been given greater powers, including the ability to search people and homeswithout a court order and the authority to use force, while due process is suspended. Finally, opposition groups are barred from issuing statements to the press, and Ethiopians are not allowed to discuss issues that could “incite violence” with foreigners. This includes speaking to the media or providing information to international civil society groups such as the Oakland Institute.

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A poster of Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa at a protest in Oakland, California. Making the crossed arm gesture is now a criminal offense under Ethiopia’s state of emergency. Credit: Elizabeth Fraser.

These measures are appalling, especially given that a major cause of the protests was the prevailing lack of basic human rights, democracy, and freedoms of speech and assembly in the first place. Ethiopia has been under a de-facto state of emergency for a long time. These new draconian rules don’t address the situation in the country. Instead, they legalize and expand the authoritarian and repressive rule that the Ethiopian regime has maintained for years.

The international community must take swift action to denounce the state of emergency and the continuous repression of basic human rights in the country. If they do not, history will remember donor countries – including the US – as complicit, while hundreds have already been killed and thousands lie in jail for speaking out for democracy, human rights, and true development for all.

Ethiopia’s State of Emergency: Cracking Down on Basic Freedoms

The state of emergency in Ethiopia puts significant restrictions on basic freedoms of assembly and expression. But this is not new.

Numerous bloggers and journalists continue to suffer in Ethiopia’s prisons because of their vocal opposition to the government. On October 1, 2016, prominent blogger Seyoum Teshome was arrested after being quoted in a New York Times article about anti-government protests and announcing his plans to start a new blog. Seyoum is yet another addition to a long list in a country that is the third worst jailer of journalists in Africa.

Opposition parties have also experienced serious crackdowns on their ability to express themselves. Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of one of the largest opposition parties, was arrested in August 2011 after meeting with Amnesty International. He was released prior to President Barak Obama’s visit to Ethiopia in July 2015, and re-arrested in December of the same year when protests started in Oromo. He continues to languish in jail.

Similarly, bans on social media and internet black outs are common, with numerous reports of internet shut downs this year.

This further crack down on social media and freedom of expression is an effort to shut out the international community, making it easier for the Ethiopian government to supress dissent. Repressing freedoms of expression and assembly have already created a highly volatile situation – these new measures will only worsen things.

Ruling with an Iron Fist

In early October 2016, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister admitted that 500 protesters had been killed by security forces in previous months, stating that the number of casualties was unimportant and threatening to deal with protesting groups forcefully. This declaration came a week after the Irreechaa tragedy, where between fifty-five and several hundred protesters were killed after security forces used tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition on crowds at the country’s largest religious and cultural festival, triggering a stampede. It came a month after a fire in the Kilinto prison, which holds numerous political prisoners and anti-government protesters, left dozens of prisoners dead.  And it came two months after the Prime Minister threatened that his government would use “its full forces to bring the rule of law” to protesting regions.

With the state of emergency, the government legalizes and legitimizes a long tradition of ruling by force. It has already had a significant impact. Between October 17 and 20, over 2,600 people were arrested under the new laws. This number will undoubtedly increase in the days, weeks, and months to come.

Due Process: A Farce in Ethiopia

Due process has long been a farce in Ethiopia. The country’s draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), adopted in 2009, has been used to arbitrarily detain and arrest students, bloggers, land rights defenders, indigenous leaders, opposition politicians, religious leaders, and more for exercising basic freedoms. The law violates international human rights law, as well as modern criminal justice and due process standards.

Amongst the thousands who have been unlawfully detained under the ATP are Pastor Omot Agwa and Okello Akway Ochalla.

Pastor Omot, a former interpreter for the World Bank Inspection Panel, was arrested in March 2015 while attempting to travel to a food security conference, organized by Bread for All, in Nairobi. He was charged as a terrorist under the claim that the meeting he was attending was a terrorist meeting. He has been in jail since then, and is still waiting for a trial.

Okello Akway Ochalla was illegally kidnapped in South Sudan and renditioned to Ethiopia. His charge is based on his vocal opposition to the Ethiopian government, and its role in a massacre of indigenous Anuak people in December 2003.  After two years of detention, during which Mr. Okello was forced to sign a false confession under duress, his sentence was lessened from terrorist to criminal charges. He was still given nine years in prison.

The suspension of due process under the state of emergency increases the likelihood of arbitrary detainments and unfair trials, two issues already endemic to Ethiopia and must be addressed immediately.

The Failure of the International Community

The mainstream media is finally waking up to the brutality of the Ethiopian regime. The Financial Times called this Ethiopia’s “Tiananmen Square moment.” Foreign governments are also taking notice, however, their statements remain very mild and fail to firmly condemn the violence and repression.

The US State Department declared that it was “troubled by the potential impact” of the state of emergency, reiterated its “longstanding call for the Government of Ethiopia to respect its citizens’ constitutionally-guaranteed freedoms,” and called for “peaceful dialogue” in the country. Statements by the United Nations, Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs, and European Union make similar calls for “inclusive dialogue” that are stunningly disconnected from the reality on the ground.

This toothless rhetoric fails to acknowledge the years of oppression and abuse that Ethiopians have faced under the current regime and that generated these protests. More importantly, it must be asked who can take part to the dialogue when so many political opponents and community leaders are in jail or in exile?

For years, the US, UK, and others have heralded Ethiopia as a blueprint for development, and provided massive financial support to their champion. But the model has failed. As our recent report shows, economic growth in Ethiopia has not lifted up the masses – it has happened alongside widespread hunger and poverty, forced displacements, and massive human rights abuses. This has led to the current tipping point, and tensions in the country are finally, understandably boiling over. The international community must recognize the failure of this model – and their role in it – and step in before more blood is shed.

Ethiopia arrests 1,645 “ringleaders and bandits” in crackdown on violence

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Ethiopia announced a security earlier this month amid demonstrations over land and political rights

By Aaron Maasho

 

irreechaADDIS ABABA, Oct 20 (Reuters) – Ethiopian authorities said on Thursday they had detained 1,645 people since declaring a state of emergency less than two weeks ago in a bid to quell mass protests and violence.

Around 1,200 of those were described as ringleaders, the rest coordinators, suspects and “bandits”, in the statement by the government body formed to deal with the unrest.

Ethiopia announced a security crackdown on Oct. 8 amid a wave of attacks on mostly foreign-owned businesses and demonstrations over land and political rights.

The United States and other major donors have raised concerns about the measures, which include dusk-to-dawn curfews in some areas, restrictions on the opposition and curbs on diplomats’ movements.

Activists and opposition groups have also accused the security services of using excessive violence – charges dismissed by the government which has blamed the violence on armed groups backed by unnamed foreign powers.

“A total of 1,120 ringleaders of violence that led to the destruction of infrastructure and property in West Arsi and Shashemene have been apprehended,” said the government body known as the Command Post, referring to areas in Oromiya region, south of the capital.

The security efforts had now “restored peace nationwide”, it added.

There was no immediate comment from opposition or protest groups.

Violence first broke out last year in Oromiya, a region at the heart of Ethiopia’s industrialisation efforts, as people took to the streets accusing the state of seizing their land and handing it over to investors with minimal compensation.

Unrest spread to other areas, including parts of Amhara region north of the capital, over land rights and wider complaints over political freedoms.

The command post said 93 suspects “who had taken to the bush as bandits” had turned themselves in in Amhara since the state of emergency was declared.

Another 110 people who had “coordinated attacks” in western Oromiya, and 322 suspects in a region south of the capital have also been arrested.

The government says it is trying to end poverty in a country still known in the West for a devastating 1984 famine, where most people rely on subsistence farming.

Ethiopia is now one of Africa’s fastest growing economies but rights groups say the state-led industrial push has been accompanied by a crushing of political dissent – a charge dismissed by the state.

(Reporting by Aaron Maasho; Editing by Andrew Heavens)

Ethiopia’s global political patronage deepening domestic political crisis

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Nemera G. Mamo

economic-dvt
(OPride) — Ethiopia is embroiled in the worst political crisis in more than two decades. A six-month long state of emergency, which came into effect on October 8, has militarized the entire country, particularly the restive state of Oromia, which has been reeling from widespread protests since November 2015. Among other things, the new decree bans posting on social media, watching dissident TV and radio stations, and restricts public movement including travels by foreign diplomats.

Locals report a growing and unprecedented arrests and disappearances, which is increasingly looking like a witch hunt. The latest dragnet targets Oromo business owners, teachers and students.

Despite the worsening political crisis, which now threatens to spiral out of control, Ethiopia’s European allies continue to look away. That’s because Ethiopia has emerged as a key partner in Europe’s effort to stem the flow of refugees to the region.

In the “migration compacts” report released on October 18, Federica Mogherini, the Vice President of the European Commission, listed Ethiopia among the five key countries that have achieved “better results” in the past four months since the cooperation began.

Donor nations like the United Kingdom have been even quieter. Under its newly announced £1.5 billion aid fund, which is meant to curb the flow of refugees to the country, UK has pledged “ for a jobs compact with Ethiopia by supporting industrialization process to create 100,000 new jobs for Ethiopians and refugees in Ethiopia.”

The new funds may come in handy for Ethiopia’s ruling elites and their crony business class that’s increasingly squeezed by popular uprising. There is nothing new about white man’s money: The West have been funnelling aid fund to autocratic leaders to safeguard their narrow interests.

However, Ethiopia’s deep-integration into the global patronage (through inflows of rent and aid dollars) is worsening the prospect for democratic transition and any hope of eradicating existing “unfreedom,” including poverty. (Indian economist and philosopher Amartya Sen defines unfreedom as the lack of freedom, including the deprivation of political rights and choice, and exclusion from economic choices).

In his recent book, The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and The Business of Power, Alex De Waal provides a unique and compelling account of how elites in power and military generals bargain over foreign fund and maintain power in the Horn of Africa. They control the instruments of violence to achieve their political and personal goals. He characterizes political marketplace as an environment in which a “country is economically poor and vulnerable, and domestic business people and its foreign investors are intimate with its politicians.” Ethiopia fits this description nicely.

In such political marketplace, De Waal observes, the elite rely on a political budget, defined as “money available for a politician to spend on whatever purposes he may choose – especially for renting the loyalty or cooperation of other politicians.” Unlike the regular government revenue, no accounting is required for political budget, allowing politicians “to operate in a shadow world of illicit finance, or else legalize influence-peddling.”

Ethiopia has been a major recipient of foreign aid for decades. But the country is not better off. It still ranks low in a composite development indicators in Africa, such as UNDP’s Human Development Index (HDI), which measures factors such as health, education, inequality, gender, poverty, and human security.

Ethiopia’s HDI increased from 0.3 to 0.45 between 2000 and 2014. This suggests that the country’s much-hyped ‘double-digit economic growth’ has not translated into sustainable development. The ensuring popular discontents in Oromia and Amhara regions is the manifestation of Ethiopia’s failure to attain social progress in terms of economic and political development.

Moreover, there is limited rigorous evidence of how foreign aid is used to advance development projects in fragile states such as Ethiopia. This is confounded by the fact that the tyranny of aid experts, global shareholders ofPoverty, Inc., and host country’s dictators often conceal the direct political links between foreign aid and local politics. We are led to believe that: Foreign aid (always) does good. But as De Waal notes in his book, aid funds do in fact erode authentic institutions including civil societies and the private sector, and could help reverse democratic transitions.

Ethiopia receives the largest share of its aid dollars from the U.S. and UK. Aid fund has moulded the real politics of Ethiopia, while the extent of unfreedom is deepened. The country’s political budget is the function of loyalty payments from donors in the form of military and financial assistance for counter-terrorism and peacekeeping, and global climate financing. The ruling elites operate as political entrepreneurs and conduct their political-business with an eye toward maintain power.

They have proven their loyalty to Western powers, who regularly back them or look the other way even in the face of egregious human rights abuses. The inflow of aid funds to Ethiopia is likely continue for the foreseeable future. De Waal makes a strong case for this:

Insofar, as political instability are a product of a rentier political marketplace, these countries generate threats to the US and Europe including terrorism, organized crime and migration. In turn, US and European security policies involve paying governments to combat these threats […] such assistance and intervention fund rentier political budgets while also increasing the price of loyalty, thus intensifying the very conditions whereby threats are sustained.

The civil society, media and opposition politics have all become the casualties of Ethiopia’s deep integration into global political patronage. Ethiopian authorities have instrumentalized the legal system to create barriers to entry, limit NGO activities, and curb free speech and political mobilization.

Specifically, to gain complete control over global patronage rents, Ethiopia adopted to draconian laws in 2009: The ‘Charities and Societies Proclamation’ and the infamous anti-terrorism law.

The Charities law, which sets a 10 percent cap on foreign funding for domestic civil societies and private sectors engaging in human rights and advocacy, allowed the ruling elite and their cronies to secure all external funds, both for their political budget and affiliated institutions, while curtailing the flow of potential funds to NGOs, opposition groups and the independent media.

The law had a devastating effect on civil society organizations and the private sector, including professional associations, trade unions, and the media. As a result, several opposition leaders, leaders of civil society organizations and journalists have been exiled or they are in jail.

Meanwhile, by monopolizing foreign rents through regulatory capture and the creation of an ‘elite cartel’ for rent seeking, government-affiliated institutions continue to appropriate external funds for political budgets and personal enrichment.

Similarly, the sweeping anti-terrorism law has allowed Ethiopia’s ruling elites to translate western security funding, as part of the global war on terrorism, into political budgets. The proclamation is increasingly being used to silence political opposition, journalists and civil society groups.

The cumulative effect of Ethiopia’s growing repression now poses an existential threat to the country. It is time to repeal, yes abolish, all the laws and practices that make democratic transition impossible to end the ongoing political crisis and future threats. The single-party system has proved corrupt and predatory. Ethiopia should truly be democratized. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) party’s vague promises of ‘deep reform’cannot be a solution.

Ethiopia needs a political renaissance – the establishment of a political pluralism and alternative social choices, which also improves economic conditions.

The melee befalling EPRDF cannot be reduced to post-Meles leadership feebleness. The widespread discontents represent longstanding dissatisfaction with the country’s political and economic trajectory. The protesters grievances are not about local governance deficiencies, an end to corruption or rent-seeking behaviour, but it encompasses demands for democratic rights, equitable share in the economy and the opening of political space.

The only appropriate response to the growing chorus for freedom is a democratic, all-inclusive political transition. Unfortunately, the declaration of the marital law suggests EPRDF is adamant about meeting the protesters only on the streets. And its global political patronage doesn’t show any sign of abating either.

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