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Book Review: Fikre T. Jigsa, ‘The True origin of the Oromo and Amhara” (Addis Ababa:  2008 E.C)

Daniel Ayana (Professor)

According to some reports “The True Origin of the Oromo and Amhara, has broken publishing record in Ethiopia, Last summer, it was published three times. The book’s popularity is in the timing, yearning for solidarity, and the topic, connecting the Oromo and Amhara in origin.  In the preface Dr. Fikre declared to overturn the hitherto received historical knowledge about the origin of Oromo and Amhara (p.8). He then introduced his sources: Mariras Aman Balay’s books published in Addis Ababa in recent years. In return Mariras Aman’s books were reportedly based on a new Geez manuscript discovered in an ancient Nubian Church about fifty years ago and subsequently translated into Amharic.  A quick search suggests Mariras Aman is a theology scholar and wrote many  books on the teachings of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church,  in addition to the five books Dr. Fikre used here as his main source. As such Dr. Fikre is a popularizer of Mariras Aman’s findings: a new Geez manuscript about Oromo and Amhara, some ancient books supposedly written in Suba, s pre-Geez language and alphabet (p.83).

The book is mainly about the Oromo in Ethiopia before the sixteenth century, focusing on a least known Oromo section, known as the Madabay in Geez sources or the Maadillee among the Oromo.  The book also claims that the Oromo and Amhara had one ancestor in the distant past. However, before discussing the merits of Dr. Fikre’s book, the chain of custody of the newly discovered manuscripts, the sources of the stories, should be clearly established and authenticated.  We are told about the unearthing of a Geez manuscript near an ancient Church in Jebel Nuba, Sudan. We are not sure who discovered the document, whether there are copies in Ethiopian monasteries or how the manuscript returned to Ethiopia.  One reads that the Geez manuscript was composed sometimes before 879 E.C, the year, one Sirak Za-Aksum, fled Yodit’s wars with a copy to Egypt and then later donated it to an ancient Nubian Church. The manuscript was allegedly found hidden under a rock surviving church burning. In Dr. Fikre’s book we also read that copies of the manuscript returned to Ethiopia during the Zagwe dynasty. The Emperors Lalibela (r.1185-1225) and Amde-Seyon (r.1314-1344) reportedly distributed copies to the monasteries. Egyptian-born EOC Patriarchs allegedly destroyed most of these copies (p.9). But are there be some more copies of the manuscript?  Alternatively one also reads that the manuscript might have been composed during the reign of the Emperor Iyasu (r.1682-1706) and somehow found its way to Jebel Nuba.  Are there more copies of the manuscript and if so which one is the original and which ones are derivatives? The date of the manuscript’s composition as well as the context of its return to Ethiopia should be established. How did experts in Geez manuscript assess Mariras Aman’s findings? Without establishing this chain of custody issues, the authenticity of the manuscript and its content remains problematic. Until such time, instead of historic source, they remain collection of folk stories containing some critical information. But the stories were woven together creatively.

Dr. Fikre also claims he introduced a new discovery about a past Suba alphabet, which is a combination of Latin and Geez features, and some rare Suba books (p.86). Dr. Fikre reports that the Suba, a section of an ancient Oromo, were massacred, expelled, and their language and books banned. Which monastery or individual collector owns these rare books? Dr. Fikre compared the reported Suba alphabets with Geez, and Latin alphabets (pp. 84-89).  But where is the key converting the unknown ancient Suba alphabets to the known equivalents in Geez and Latin characters? Why did the discovery of the ancient Suba books fail to make any news?

The central idea of the book is that the Oromo and Amhara originated from a common ancestor, Dashat/ Daset, who lived in Gojjam in antiquity (pp.68, 139).  Ironically at the bottom of this idea is the  Oromo belief that “moisture is the source of life.”  This basic environmental principle was twisted to assert that the Oromo emerged from water/Indian Ocean etc. Now the Oromo and Amhara were born on an island in Gojjam. Since sections of the Gujii and Boorana claim their origin back to Gojjam and Raayyaa, there is an overlap on both the Oromo and Amhara claims of origin.

Dr. Fikre weaves stories of Menilek I and Queen of Sheba. For scholars the lady queen and Menilek I belong to legend, not history (T. Tamrat 1972, 249-250). Dr. Fikre wrote that King Magaal, an Oromo, went to Jerusalem to pay homage to the baby Jesus. As a source for Dr. Fikre’s book, I wonder when this piece was first written. I am not interested in its literal truth and the authenticity. The alleged Jerusalem trip should be seen in its symbolism. The idea expressed is the opposite of religious bigotry that is extant in the history of world religions. The ideas are formulaic and aspirational; indicating understanding diversity, universalism, and inclusiveness by religious teachers. Reference to King Magaal’s trip to Jerusalem contradicts the pre-sixteenth century literature that depicts the Karayyuu, Dabassoo, Marsoo, and the Gumuz as the devil incarnate or those burning in hell.

Two points are worth stressing about the mythological genre. Most of the stories coming from ancient Geez manuscripts are wrapped in fables.  However, we can situate the stories in modern geographic boundaries; date them to pre-Aksumite, Aksumite or post-Aksumite times in relation to known historical events of the times. Since pre-historic population movements followed major rivers, their watersheds, and tributaries, placing ancient Oromo-Amhara homeland close to major water sources is plausible. Second, for many readers, Dr. Fikre’s book about Oromo and Amhara’s common ancestor appeals to their own pre-existing confirmation bias. They knew their Oromo lineage; now their ancestors were not immigrants from Asia, Madagascar, Zimbabwe or Kenya.

Oromo presence in the present-day Ethiopia long before the sixteenth century looms large in Dr. Fikre’s stories. Dr. Fikre included, from known historical sources, personalities such as Doori Tulu, brother of the Emperor Lebna Dengil’s queen mother, and his son Bula as the two Bahra Nagashs. Historians have long denied this historical fact to fortify the sixteenth century Oromo entry into Ethiopia and their being nomadic pastoralists. A new historical information is about the Emperor Lebna Dengil’s losing support from the Abba Gadaas of Tulamma on the eve of the Battle of Shimbra Kure in 1529 (p.81). Taddesse Tamrat included the Galaan and Yaayaa residing on Shawan plateau in medieval times (1972, 184).  Abuna Anorewos, one of the medieval saints during the reign of Amde-Seyon, (1314-1344) was born in Matige, Mugar, and spoke afaan Oromo. Yet various proposals are suggested to explain his Oromo language ability short of admitting Oromo presence in today’s Tulammaa areas. Dr. Fikre’s sources suggested Tulammaa’s discontent and its political consequence. The existence of these Geez sources is significant in itself.

Another story that has significance for the pre-sixteenth century history of Oromo is the assertion that the Queen of Sheba was an Azabo lady.  There is a reference to the pagans of hagara Azabo and the [Afar] in the hagiography Gadla Marqorewos. In Gadla Aron, the daughter of an Azabo king is depicted as a saintly character in paradise.  References to Ethiopis, Median, Melke-Tsedik  etc can be disregarded as a heritage of past uprootedness initiated  with the The Glory of the Kings. Even in this book, where the Ethiopian Empire extended from Egypt to India, the mythical Menilek I allegedly waged the first war against, among others “the… cities of… Gerra and districts of Hadiya… for enmity had existed between them from olden times.”  (Budge, The Queen of Sheba, p. 165). Place names mentioned are significant.

On the Suba people or the Madabay, the Geez reference is interesting. These were a group of ancient Oromo named variously as the Madibe, Madille, Matite by ancient Greco-Roman sources, coastal east African and Boorana arga dhageettii. (On Arga Dhageetti see Chikage Oba-Smidt, The Oral Chronicle of the Boorana… 2015).  Greco-Roman sources documented the Matite presence in northeast Africa about the first century A.D. East African sources referred to the Madille/Matite as the giants: builders of megalithic structures, water wells, and subterranean structures. Boorana sources remember the Maadillee as master builders. From about 376-736 C. E (nine cycles of 40 years) the Abbaa Muudaas from the Maadillee served as guardians of pan-Oromo culture and unity. (Gemechu & Kassam 2005).  (Chronology extrapolated from Gadaa power transfer cycles of 8 years and 40 years; and 9×40= 360 years and Oba-Smidt’s date for Boorana Gadaa renewal date of c 1456).  Dr. Fikre’s sources referred to the mythical Menilek I massacring and expelling the Madabay/Maadillee to east Africa and identified them with the Aba Suba in Kenya and Uganda today. The Maadille probably formed part of the Oromo speaking Bantu groups in east Africa before the fifteenth century Orma arrival. Their presence is marked by Oromo technical terms about marriage, iron works etc. The Madibe, Madabay/Matite/Maadillee existed historically; but the Suba alphabet and their rare books have yet to be authenticated.

Finally four remarks to conclude this review. First, Dr. Fikre suggests Wikipedia as a reliable source of information. Wikipedia is not a dependable source; it is a nest for half-truths, quarter-truths, and sometimes an outright misinformation. Second, Dr. Fikre’s sources suggest the presence of Geez documents to elaborate more on Oromo-Amhara relatedness and long relationship. Three, the Oromo were known in primary sources with their sectional names such as Galaan, Marsoo, Azabo, Warra Qaallu, Arsii, Karayyuu etc, and researchers should look for such names not a later name. This is a universal historical truth. Abba Bahriy’s assigned a pejorative nomenclature relatively recently for political purpose. Fourth, for those who disregard Dr. Mohammed Hassen’s latest book, The Oromo and the Christian Kingdom… 1300-1700, and Tabor Wami’s Yewugana Dersatochna Yetarik Ewenatoch, there are two scientific findings about Oromo ancestors from disinterested researchers. First, genetic research traced Oromo ancestors to a group that inhabited the present day region some sixty thousand years ago when few Africans first migrated to all continents. Second, twenty thousand years ago when the global climate changed and Africans gathered in the Nile Valley and then wet Sahara, these Oromo ancestors moved to southern Egypt and left a genetic material there which subsequently spread to Europe. This same gene is also discovered in the Boorana mirroring their return trip. These scientific findings confirmed an ancient Oromo saying about their present homeland: the Waataa are the first, the Oromo the second in the region. The Waataa or Twa /San were the first Africans trekking out of eastern Africa to populate the globe. Dr. Fikre’s Geez sources point us in the right direction suggesting the importance of additional Geez primary sources for the shared heritage in antiquity and for a new history. Although Dr. Fikre does not tell us enough about his sources and their provenance, but the book should not be dismissed out of hand.This book will remain around and probably inspire similar topics.

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HRLHA  Press Release

60 Evil Days In Oromia:  Two Months of Everyday Murders, Tortures, Abductions, and imprisonments under the State of Emergency in Ethiopia 

December 11, 2016

The TPLF/EPRDF’s  hidden agenda, under a democratic facade  in the past quarter century, has been challenged  by Oromo youth for freedom against subjugation “Qeerro Bilisuma” ever since March 2014. The Oromo youth for freedom against subjugation has been  supported by Oromos from all walks of  life; the cause was reignited in November 2015 up until the TPLF/EPRDF declared the State of Emergency on October 8, 2016.

Since  the State of Emergency was declared, human rights violations in Oromia have intensified on a daily basis, specifically targeting Oromo youths and elites. In the past  sixty days  since the State of Emergency  was declared,  several  Oromo youths, students of universities, colleges and high schools  were targeted and oppressed. The HRLHA monitored the TPLF/EPRDF atrocities against humanity through its reporters and will continue to share them with the world.

According to these reports, the TPLF/EPRDF government killing squad Agazi force has committed all sorts of human rights violations, including  killings, rapes,  abducting and  detaining of Oromos on a daily basis.

Among the eight students who were abducted from  Wollaga University in Nekemt Town in the first week of December 2016 are Sabona Chalshisa (4^th year Civil Engineering) , Keraji Motima (2^nd year Civil Engineering), and Nabuli Misgana Workneh (2^nd year Accounting)  from Rift Valley University. In the same way, an economics teacher Abebe Angassa was abducted from Hibrest school in the Tulu Bollo District, South West Showa Zone on December 1, 2016.

The HRLHA also received from its informants in south Oromia, Bale zone, in Adabba district, Gadedo community and Daraba Town information that a  number of  Oromo youths and elites  had been picked  up  on December 6, 2016 at  night and had been taken to  an unknown destination

The following are among the many Oromos in Adabba district who have been abducted by TPLF forces

In the same month-December 2016- over 53 Oromos were taken from the southern Oromia Guji Zone, Saba Boru district. Their names are below:

The TPLF/EPRDF has turned Oromia Regional State into a state of mourning every day. Citizens are crying, no one appears to be helping, even though the world community is aware of what is happening.  The world community  is in a state of silence and is refusing  to take concrete actions  to stop the crimes against humanity taking place in the country. How many people have to be murdered before there is an intervention?

The HRLHA again expresses its deep concerns and calls on the world community to show solidarity with the Oromo  people by taking concrete action against the TPLF/EPRDF dictatorial government.

Background:

Under remembering from the past, the HRLHA highlights  the human rights violations reported by HRLHA and other human rights organizations against Oromo youths  in the past ten years which continue to the present.

The TPLF/EPRDF  government has  targeted Oromo youth since  the Oromo youth  peaceful revolt against subjugation started in Oromia in 2005.  The following is a summary of  Oromo students  killed,  imprisoned, and disappeared  by TPLF/EPRDF security forces  in different universities in school year 2007

Copied To:

• European Union
  Rue Wiertz/Wiertzstraat 60
  B-1047 Bruxelles/Brussel
  Belgique/België
   Tel: +32 2 284 21 11
  Fax: +32 2 284 69 74
  Links: Website

• UNICEF Headquarters
  United States Fund for UNICEF
  125 Maiden Lane, 11th Floor
  New York, NY 10038
  https://www.unicef.org

• UN Security Council
  Office of the Ombudsperson
  Room DC2 2206
  United Nations
  New York, NY 10017
  United States of America
  Tel: +1 212 963 2671
  E-mail: ombudsperson@un.org

• UN Human Rights Council
  OHCHR address: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
  Palais Wilson
  52 rue des Pâquis
  CH-1201 Geneva, Switzerland.

• Africa Union (AU)
  African Union Headquarters
  P.O. Box 3243 | Roosvelt Street (Old Airport Area) | W21K19 | Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
  Tel: (251) 11 551 77 00 | Fax:(251) 11 551 78 44
  Webmaster: webmaster@africa-union.org

• African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
  31 Bijilo Annex Layout, Kombo North District
  Western Region P.O. Box 673 Banjul
  The Gambia
  Tel: (220) 441 05 05, 441 05 06

• The US Department of State Secretarate Secretary
  His Excellency Mr. John Kerry
  WASHINGTON, D.C. HEADQUARTERS
  (202) 895-3500
  OFMInfo@state.gov
  Office of Foreign Missions
  2201 C Street NW
  Room 2236
  Washington, D.C. 20520
  Customer Service Center
  3507 International Place NW
  Washington, D.C. 20522-3303

• UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
  The Rt Hon Philip Hammond MP
  Parliamentary
  House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA
  Tel: 020 7219 4055
  Fax: 020 7219 5851
  Email: hammondp@parliament.ukDepartmental    Street ,
  London, SW1A 2AH
  Tel: 020 7008 1500
  Email: fcocorrespondence@fco.gov.uk

• Minister of Forenien Affairs (Canada)
  His Excellency Stéphane Dion
  Write to:
  Enquiries Service (BCI)
  Global Affairs Canada
  125 Sussex Drive
  Ottawa, ON
  K1A 0G2
  Email: Enquiry Service – On line form
  Canada

• Minister for Foreign Affairs (Sweden)
  Her Excellency Margot Wallström
  Switchboard: +46 8 405 10 00
  Street address: Rosenbad 4
  Postal address: SE 103 33 Stockhol

• Minister of Foreign Affairs (Normway)
  His Excellency BørgeBrende
  Ministry of Foreign Affairs
  E-mail: post@mfa.no
  Phone: + 47 23 95 00 00
  Address: 7. juniplassen

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December 11, 2016: Olympic silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa finished fourth in his first debut after Rio Olympic protest. He clocked 2:15:57 in today’s Honolulu marathon. Feyisa walked the last 100 meters with his famous hands in ‘X’ in silent protest.  His compatriot Deribe Roba finished third clocking 2:13:43. The official result is below.

Men
1. Lawrence Cherono – 2:09:39 – RECORD
2. Wilson Chebet – 2:10:50 – RECORD
3. Deribe Roba – 2:13:43
4. Feyisa Lelisa – 2:15:57
5. Tatsuya Itagaki – 2:19:24

Women
1. Brigid Kosgei – 2:31:11
2. Lindsey Scherf – 2:34:05
3. Buzunesh Deba – 2:35:34
4. Yingying Zhang – 2:38:40

Wheelchair race
1. Masazumi Soejima – 1:35:35
2. Kazuhiko Shimada – 1:45:11
3. Wakako Tsuchida – 1:50:42

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Ethiopia Turmoil Threatens Unlikeliest Airlines Success Story

by Liezel Hill

• CEO sees ‘business as usual’ amid state of emergency
• Hub model has forged African champion in one of poorest states

(Boomberg) — Ethiopia, indelibly linked with images of grinding poverty and famine, has quietly built one of Africa’s rare corporate success stories with the continent’s only consistently profitable airline shuttling passengers from around the world through its hub in Addis Ababa.

Yet just as state-owned Ethiopian Airlines starts to vie with the likes of Dubai-based Emirates, outbreaks of violence around ethnic and human-rights protests have claimed an estimated 500 lives since June, threatening to deter travelers and undermining the political stability that helped it flourish. It’s also grappling with the challenges of doing business in the region, with more than $200 million in ticket payments tied up in countries including Nigeria and Angola, which the airline says is putting pressure on its liquidity.

Tewolde GebreMariam. Photographer: Nadine Hutton/Bloomberg

Chief Executive Officer Tewolde GebreMariam insists the unrest and a subsequent state of emergency imposed Oct. 8 is a “non-issue” for the airline, which links almost 70 African cities to destinations in Europe, North and South America, the Middle East and Asia. The executive, who has run Ethiopian since 2011, is determined to push ahead with an expansion for a company that could be the last hope for a viable African aviation industry.

“The reality on the ground is peaceful. It’s business as usual,” the CEO said in an interview at the airline’s headquarters at Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa days after the start of restrictions. That remains the case still, he said by e-mail on Thursday, citing an 18 percent year-on-year increase in October passenger traffic. “We have not seen measurable changes.”

Lost Continent

That doesn’t mean the company is out of the woods, as many of those passengers would have likely booked tickets before the crisis escalated and Western countries issued travel warnings. The bigger test will ultimately come if security measures are lifted as planned in April. Ethiopian’s ability to weather the crisis and continue with its ambitious plans is critical for the continent’s aviation sector after corruption and missteps undermined peers. African airlines now account for about 20 percent of air traffic to and from the continent, down from 60 percent three decades ago, according to Tewolde.

Hard-currency shortages that mean ticket debts are withheld in some countries have also prompted outside carriers to reduce links, and the continent will be the only unprofitable airline region this year and next, according to International Air Transport Association projections published last week.

In contrast to the failure of Nigerian Airways or the politically led stagnation at unprofitable South African Airways, Ethiopian has benefited from less interference and kinder tax rates, helping to boost net income for the past three years. In fiscal 2015, profit jumped 12 percent to 3.53 billion Ethiopia birr ($160 million), backed by a 6 percent gain in revenue.

With a modern fleet including Boeing Co.’s latest 787 Dreamliners, a network spanning Los Angeles to Tokyo and a successful hub model that’s lured an international clientele, two-thirds of whom change for onward destinations, Ethiopian is on the cusp of becoming a significant force in global aviation.

Rallying Point

The carrier is already a rallying point on the continent. It has invested in Togo-based Asky Airlines, giving it a hub in West Africa, and bought a stake in Malawian Airlines in the south. Tewolde, 50, is seeking a similar arrangement in the central African region, and pursuing partnerships in countries including Ghana, Uganda and Zambia. He has also called on carriers to pool resources to defend their market share and says recent moves towards more liberal air service agreements between African countries are a cause for optimism.

Addis Ababa has also become a center of expertise for the industry, with a recently expanded pilot school and world-class maintenance facilities that service planes from as far afield as Mozambique and Nigeria.

Those gains may be under threat. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, in power since 1991, when it ousted a Marxist military regime partly blamed for the 1980s famine, responded to the unrest by declaring the six-month state of emergency. While it since lifted some restrictions after a period of calm, the situation may still make changing planes in Addis Ababa less appealing, especially after countries including the U.S. issued travel warnings.

“The whole Ethiopia-rising story, including the airline, faces a credibility challenge,” said Nemera Gebeyehu Mamo, an Ethiopian who teaches economics at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies. “The government can only reassure its customers or tourists if it’s willing to address the political demands.”

‘African Emirates’

Passengers have no shortage of alternatives. Emirates, the biggest long-haul airline, Qatar Airways and Etihad Airways PJSC of Abu Dhabi all offer dozens of African routes from huge hubs in the Persian Gulf. Turkish Airlines is also making inroads with 50 destinations on the continent after flights to Zanzibar start Monday, according to a statement on its website.

Founded in 1945, Ethiopian ranks as Africa’s biggest carrier by passenger traffic, ahead of South African Airways, EgyptAir, Royal Air Maroc and Kenya Airways, according to IATA. Tewolde remains unbowed by the challenges, pressing ahead with expansion plans, including promising additions to a 51-strong aircraft order backlog and announcing new destinations including Oslo, Jakarta, Singapore and Chengdu.Despite the current political issues, the company has the prerequisites to remain a formidable competitor and challenge established Gulf carriers, Nico Bezuidenhout, SAA’s former acting CEO who now runs low-cost African carrier Fastjet Plc, said in an interview.

Ethiopian has an enviable position with consistent state backing, unparalleled management continuity and a hub at a natural crossroads, so “I may as well be talking about Emirates,” he said.

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New television channels in Ethiopia may threaten state control

News programmes are likely to follow soaps and game shows

(The Economist) — STROLL through Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, and everywhere you will see satellite dishes, sprouting mushroom-like from roofs, gardens and balconies. “People have roofs to repair, but they are buying satellite dishes instead,” chuckles Abel Adamu, a lecturer at the Addis Ababa School of Journalism. “Wherever you go in Ethiopia, it is the satellite dish that comes first.”The proliferation of these dishes symbolises the frustration that Ethiopia’s 90m citizens feel with state-owned television. But after years of hankering for a choice in what they can watch, Ethiopians are fast becoming spoilt for one. Four private satellite channels have launched so far this year. More are on the way. Kana TV, which first broadcast in March, has taken the country by storm. Shops and cafés across the country have renamed themselves after it. Conservative commentators decry its foreign soap operas, dubbed into Amharic, for corrupting Ethiopian culture.

The new channels are aimed at Ethiopians and have offices in Addis Ababa but get their broadcast licences from overseas. So far they have stuck to light entertainment, but a slew of news and current-affairs programmes are reportedly in the pipeline. More significantly still, in October the Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA) announced that it was granting licences to three privately owned satellite channels, a first in the agency’s history. It says it also plans to grant licences to private terrestrial ones early next year.

Not before time. Ethiopians have long been denied vibrant local media. Internet penetration is among the lowest on the continent, and since the government declared a state of emergency in October, following civil unrest, mobile internet services were stopped throughout most of the country until last week.The government also has a fearsome reputation for jailing journalists.There are a handful of independent newspapers, which can on occasion be critical of the government, but they are few in number. Also that month an established local rag, the Addis Standard, announced it was suspending print operations, citing censorship.

But television has been especially crimped. Two opposition-affiliated stations based in America are banned. Until this year, switching on the TV meant choosing between state-owned channels—of which the largest is the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation (EBC)—or the mainly foreign-language ones beamed into the country from abroad. Arab shows, such as those that broadcast via Nilesat, an Egyptian satellite company, were enormously popular. Concerned parents reported coming home to find their children speaking Arabic. The exception was the Ethiopian Broadcasting Service (EBS), an Amharic-language station based in America that launched in 2008 and was the only serious rival to the EBC until the arrival of Nahoo TV in January this year.

The dearth of private local channels was not due to legal obstacles. The constitution permits both public and private media. But at the very least the government did little to encourage the latter. This is changing. “We are trying our best to help them,” says Zeray Asgedom, the EBA’s director. There is a recognition inside the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that squeezing private media was a mistake. “Opening up should have happened earlier,” Mr Asgedom admits. The lack of credible independent news left the field open to social-media propagandists, which helped to inflame unrest over the past year, he says. Perhaps so. Analysts agree that the government was hoist with its own petard.

Still, there is some way to go yet. Producing alternative news will be difficult, since the EBC enjoys a near-monopoly on information and access to ministers. And Ethiopian media have “a long history of co-option and capture”, notes Iginio Gagliardone of Oxford University. Indeed, the channels so far licensed by the EBA are not entirely independent of the state. But the signs are positive. So long as Ethiopians stock up on satellite dishes, controlling what they watch will be harder.

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AFRICA CENTER:  Eritrea: Coming In from the Cold

DECEMBER 2016 BRONWYN BRUTON

Introduction

(Atlantic Council) — The Horn of Africa, long recognized as one of the world’s most unstable regions, is undergoing a round of seismic shifts. Massive and sustained anti-government demonstrations in Ethiopia have laid bare the fundamental brutality and instability of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which is Washington’s major security partner in the region. Tiny Somaliland and Djibouti are on high alert, bracing for a tide of Ethiopian refugees that—particularly in the midst of drought—could easily overwhelm those territories. South Sudan, the youngest nation on earth, has become a killing field. And the Westernfunded peacekeeping coalition in Somalia, which has been fighting the al-Qaeda linked terror group al-Shabaab since 2007, is critically fatigued and losing ground. These multiple nodes of instability pose a significant and immediate threat to US interests in the region.

Eritrea has long been stigmatized as a “spoiler” by Washington and stands accused of supporting terrorism. In 2009, at Washington’s urging, Eritrea was sanctioned by the United Nations for supporting al-Shabaab and for refusing to settle a border dispute with Djibouti. However, years of scrutiny by the United Nations Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group (UNSEMG) have yielded no evidence that Eritrea continues to be involved in Somalia, and the Djibouti conflict is mediated by Qatar.

A number of surprising developments have recently occurred in Eritrea, suggesting that the country is determined to throw off isolation for positive engagement in its foreign policy since the sanctions were applied. An engaged Eritrea would be very good news for the region at a time when Washington’s status quo approaches to Ethiopia, Somalia, and South Sudan are visibly failing. If the United States can encourage Eritrea on a trajectory of re-engagement, it should. But to do that, Washington must drop outdated notions about the threat that Eritrea poses. At a time when the Kenyan army has annexed parts of southern Somalia and is trafficking with al-Shabaab, when the Ugandan army is taking sides in South Sudan, and Ethiopian forces have killed hundreds and detained tens of thousands of protestors calling for government reform, Eritrea truly ranks among the least of the United States’ security concerns.

A disordered Ethiopia will make Eritrea more important to US security interests. By virtue of its geographic position between Ethiopia and Yemen, Eritrea is bound to serve either as a bridge or a barrier to the passage of terrorists between the Persian Gulf and the Horn of Africa. Thus far, Eritrea has repelled jihadists and proven immune to radical ideologies. This is a role for which it has received little credit. But Washington cannot afford to take Eritrea’s implicit cooperation in its counterterror efforts for granted.

If Eritrea is overwhelmed with refugees, or otherwise sucked into the Red Sea region’s growing unrest, the United States could find itself facing instability and perhaps a terror threat on both sides of the Mandeb Strait, which is a critical chokepoint for the $700 billion dollars of trade passing annually between the European Union (EU) and Asia. Threats to this trade route have in recent years led the United States to pour millions of dollars into combating Somali piracy—an indication of the Strait’s importance to US interests.

For these reasons, the United States ought to be concerned about its inability to project influence in Eritrea. This paper aims to assist the incoming US administration in securing US interests by offering a blueprint for improving relations with Asmara.

US Relations with Eritrea

Historical overview

In 1991, after thirty years of trench and mountain warfare, Eritrean rebels overthrew the Communist Derg regime and won independence from Ethiopia. The tenacity and bravery of the Eritrean rebels captured the hearts and imaginations of people across the globe. The period between 1991 and 1998 were watershed years for the country: a referendum establishing Eritrea’s independence was held, a democratic constitution was written (though never enacted), and Eritrea’s economy prospered.

However, separation from Ethiopia proved impossible. By 1996, a collection of small, unavoidable disputes between the two countries (over such matters as the regulation of cross-border trade, the creation of an Eritrean currency, and the demarcation of the border) had piled up, adding tension to a more substantive disagreement between Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi over Ethiopia’s decision to pursue a model of ethnic “federalism.” In 1998, only seven years after the end of Eritrea’s thirty-year battle for independence, these many differences escalated into a full-scale war between the countries that lasted for two years and killed some 90,000 people.

The Ethiopian-Eritrean border war ended when both sides agreed to sign the Algiers Agreement, which established a cease-fire and an independent border commission in The Hague (called the Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission, or EEBC). The United States, the EU, the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union), and the United Nations signed the Algiers Agreement as witnesses. As it was desperately  attempting to broker a peace, the United States allegedly made closed-door promises to both sides that it would serve as guarantor to the EEBC’s ruling. However, when the EEBC eventually awarded most of the disputed border territory to Eritrea—including the flashpoint town of Badme—Ethiopia reneged on the agreement, and the witnesses to the treaty did nothing. Indeed, for the past fifteen years, Ethiopian troops have been permitted, by a silent international consensus, to flout the treaty and occupy Eritrean territory. In consequence, the border between the two countries is heavily militarized and skirmishes occasionally claim lives. And Eritrea has been trapped in a painful stasis known as “no peace, no war.”

Ethiopia’s refusal to comply with the firm and final ruling of the Boundary Commission is a major source of instability in East Africa. In efforts to destabilize each other’s territory, both Ethiopia and Eritrea have supported armed rebel groups, which inflame conflicts across the region. Eritrea has exhibited especially poor judgment in its choice of proxies. As noted earlier, one of the groups that it supported early on was the al-Shabaab militia group in Somalia. Eritrean support of al-Shabaab appears to have been short-lived and relatively insubstantial. There has been no evidence of Eritrean support for al-Shabaab since 2011. Eritrea has, nonetheless, remained under sanction by the United Nations (UN) Security Council since 2009.

Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia in late 2006, and the Ethiopian army’s subsequent occupation of Mogadishu, by contrast, has done immeasurable harm to US security interests. Ethiopia’s invasion destroyed an innocuous and potentially constructive Somali grassroots governance movement called the Union of Islamic Courts. At the time, Ethiopia falsely alleged that the Union of Islamic Courts was a proxy of al-Qaeda and persuaded Washington to back this interpretation. When Ethiopia invaded Somalia and destroyed this moderate Union of Islamic Courts, it cleared the field for the rise of al-Shabaab. Al-Shabaab—which before the invasion was unpopular in Somalia—was able to rise to power on a wave of public fury against the atrocities that the Ethiopian army was committing in Mogadishu.11 It was the rage of the Somali people against Ethiopian and US meddling in their country that permitted alShabaab to become a national resistance movement; to seize most of southern Somalia’s territory; and to provide the long-feared sanctuary to al-Qaeda.12 Worse still, outrage over the rapes and atrocities perpetrated by Ethiopian troops in Somalia sparked the transit of dozens of Somali-Americans from Minnesota to join al-Shabaab’s war against the Ethiopian army in Mogadishu, creating, for the first time, a problem of homegrown radicalization in the United States.

Read 12 page report in PDF

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Assistant Secretary Malinowski Travels to Ethiopia

Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
December 12, 2016

(Department of State) — Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Affairs Tom Malinowski will travel to Ethiopia from December 14-17. During his visit, he will meet with government officials as part of a continued dialogue on human rights and governance. He will also meet with members of civil society, political party representatives, and local government officials during the visit.

For updates on the U.S. Government’s human rights work, visit www.humanrights.gov, the DRL Twitter account: @State_DRL, or A/S Malinowski’s Twitter account: @Malinowski.

For more information, please contact DRL-Press@state.gov.

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Land Rights: On average nearly 16 farmers, indigenous people and land rights advocates were killed every month, says rights group

Demonstrators chant slogans while flashing the Oromo protest gesture during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia, October 2, 2016. REUTERS/ Tiksa Negeri/ File Photo

By Rina Chandran

MUMBAI, Dec 12 (Thomson Reuters Foundation) – The battle over land and resources turned bloodier in the past year with treble the number of land rights defenders killed, according to a human rights group that fears the violence will get even worse.

An average of nearly 16 farmers, indigenous people and advocates of land rights were killed every month through November worldwide, or three times the average in 2015, according to advocacy group PAN Asia Pacific (PANAP).

From January to end-November, 171 people were killed in relation to land rights, PANAP’s data showed.

At least 118 were detained through November, compared with 82 last year, as conflicts with rural communities and indigenous people intensified.

“People’s collective rights to own or control their land and resources for livelihood and cultural needs are wantonly being violated by corporations and governments,” Sarojeni Rengam, PANAP’s executive director, said in a statement.

“The sharp rise in the number of killings and the overall increase in human rights atrocities against poor rural communities embroiled in land conflicts underscores the impunity with which these killings and brutalities are being committed.”

In the fight for land and the environment – which UK-based watchdog Global Witness calls “a new battleground for human rights” – communities are locked in deadly struggles against governments, companies and criminal gangs exploiting land for products including timber, minerals and palm oil.

Global Witness documented 185 murders in 16 countries last year, or more than three people a week being killed defending land, forests and rivers in the deadliest year on record.

In Asia, the Philippines, Indonesia and Cambodia saw the most number of victims, while in Latin America, it was in Honduras, Bolivia and Peru, PANAP data showed.

In Africa, the countries most affected were Ethiopia, Kenya and Sierra Leone, it said.

Conflicts between rural communities and governments and corporations will intensify further, hurting and massively displacing farmers and indigenous people, according to PANAP.

Massive infrastructure projects in China, and its hunger for resources are leading to the displacement of rural communities, both within the country and in the region, PANAP said.

Harassment and killing of land rights defenders in India are also on the rise, as land is increasingly sought for industrial use in the world’s fastest growing major economy.

In Brazil, more than 20 land rights activists were killed as of August this year, according to watchdog the Pastoral Land Commission.

But communities are fighting back, staging protests, stalling projects and seeking legal recourse.

In Cambodia, for example, a group of farmers is at the centre of a landmark legal case that could change the way global corporations manage large-scale land acquisitions.

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Ethiopia’s Olympic protest athlete, Feyisa Lilesa, listed in FP’s 2016 Top 100 global thinkers

By Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with FP

RIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL – AUGUST 21: Feyisa Lilesa of Ethiopia celebrates as he crosses the line to win silver during the Men’s Marathon on Day 16 of the Rio 2016 Olympic Games at Sambodromo on August 21, 2016 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. (Photo by Buda Mendes/Getty Images)

(africanews) — Ethiopia’s Olympic athlete, Feyisa Lilesa, has been named among the 2016 top 100 global thinkers by the US based Foreign Policy (FP) magazine. Feyisa was classed in the group of thinkers called ‘‘the challengers.’‘

The long distance athlete became famous during the just ended Rio Olympic games after he made an anti-government gesture at the end of his track event. He crossed his arms above his head as he finished the event as a protest against the Ethiopian government’s crackdown on political dissent.

He won the silver medal in the men’s marathon after finishing the 42 kilometer race. He later claimed that his life was in danger. He sought for asylum in the United States and has been living there since leaving Rio.

Under the title, ‘‘For breaking the rules of the games,’‘ FP wrote about Feyisa: ‘‘Given the fact that the Olympic Charter bans political propaganda, demonstrations are a rarity at the games. Nevertheless, Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa snubbed the rulebook in order to call attention to the brutal actions of his country’s security forces.

‘‘As the marathoner approached the finish line in second place, he crossed his arms over his head—an attention-grabbing gesture to show solidarity with his Oromo tribe. In the weeks before the race, the Ethiopian government had cracked down on protests by the embattled indigenous group and killed dozens.

They went on to quote him in an interview with AP news agency as saying, “If I would’ve taken my medal and went back to Ethiopia, that would’ve been the biggest regret of my life.” Adding further that “I wanted to be a voice for a story that wasn’t getting any coverage.”

Feyisa like the twelve others listed in his category were recognized for challenging the status quo in order to put their views across. ‘‘These individuals showed that agitation takes myriad forms,’‘ the FP said.

Aside Feyisa, another African was listed in the same category. Pastor Evan Mawarire of Zimbabwe who championed the #ThisFlag protests through the use of social media platform, Twitter. The FP listed him ‘‘For initiating a democratic movement.’‘

The challengers

(Foreign Policy) — Like a coat of many colors, these individuals showed that agitation takes myriad forms. A runner broke Olympic protocol to stage a solo protest. A bureaucrat searched for solutions to religious radicalization in France’s prisons. In Saudi Arabia, a woman registered to run for office; in the Philippines, a transgender woman won an election. If starting a political party premised on self-determination in Hong Kong is daring, and facing down a homophobic Catholic cardinal is brave, then kindling a nationwide movement against Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe with a Facebook video is downright revolutionary.

LEILA DE LIMA SENATOR/PHILIPPINES For standing up to an extremist leader.	ALEXANDER BETTS AND PAUL COLLIER PROFESSORS/UNITED KINGDOM For zoning Syrian dignity.
GERALDINE ROMAN CONGRESSWOMAN/PHILIPPINES For redefining fitness to govern.	NATHAN LAW LEGISLATIVE COUNCILMEMBER/HONG KONG For holding umbrellas aloft.
HAIFA AL-HABABI ARCHITECT/SAUDI ARABIA For seizing suffrage.	FEYISA LILESA OLYMPIC RUNNER/ETHIOPIA For breaking the rules of the games.
JAMES BREWSTER; DEIVIS VENTURA U.S. AMBASSADOR; ACTIVIST/DOMINICAN REPUBLIC For mainstreaming LGBT culture.	COLETTE DEVLIN, DIANA KING, AND KITTY O’KANE ACTIVISTS/UNITED KINGDOM For committing a righteous crime.
JESSE MORTON RESEARCHER/WASHINGTON, D.C. For doing good by knowing evil.	AGNIESZKA DZIEMIANOWICZ-BAK AND BARBARA NOWACKA POLITICIANS/POLAND For humbling Warsaw.
EVAN MAWARIRE PASTOR/ZIMBABWE For initiating a democratic movement.	EDIT SCHLAFFER FOUNDER, WOMEN WITHOUT BORDERS/AUSTRIA For betting on maternal instincts.
GÉRALDINE BLIN PROJECT DIRECTOR, FRENCH PENITENTIARY ADMINISTRATION/FRANCE For seeking peace in prisons.

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Gada: Do Ethiopia’s Oromo People Have A Better Alternative For Modern Democracy?

Gada is the traditional governance system of Oromos in Ethiopia and Northern Kenya.

Ethiopia’s Oromo people made headlines around the world when peaceful protests turned violent against government land use changes, prompting a state of emergency.

Now Oromo voices are being heard thanks to an entity more often associated with boosting tourism than governance — UNESCO.

Ethiopians rejoiced when the traditional Oromo governance system, known as Gada, was inscribed on UNESCO’s list of intangible cultural heritage of humanity. The announcement was made during the 11th session of UNESCO’s Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, held in Ethiopia.

UNESCO, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, is a special agency of the U.N. created to build the defenses of peace in the minds of men.

Built over generations, the traditional Oromo Gada governance system contains regulatory measures for conflict resolution, questions of religion and women’s rights.

“In contrast to the modus operandi employed by the current, authoritarian government, the Gada form of governance contains provisions guaranteeing an effective system of ‘checks and balances,’ the separation of powers and an institutionalized opposition – all of which provides safeguards against totalitarianism and a governmental abuse of power,” according to the U.N.

When UNESCO announced it was listing the Gada system as an intangible cultural heritage, Ethiopians rejoiced, the Ethiopian Herald reported. Sara Dubee, head of the West Arsi Culture and Tourism Office, said the Oromo people have been subjected to marginalization and subjugation during the former regimes. “The day is special to me and the people of Oromo. The day is a most awaited one in the history of Oromo. Oromo people have paid all the sacrifice to see the day.”

Gada has some features that differ from western democracies, according to Waltainfo. One is the distribution of power. Researchers say western democracies are deficient in distributing power. Those in power control most of the authority and wealth of the country. The young, poor and the elders are politically and economically marginalized in Western democracies.

The Oromo make up about 35 percent of Ethiopia’s population, which now exceeds 102 million, according to Worldometers.

Ethiopia already has eight cultural and one natural site designated as UNESCO World Heritage Sites — the most of any African country. Morocco has the second highest.

The Gada system developed from knowledge gained by community experience over generations, UNESCO wrote on its website, according to Waltoinfo.com. Gada is practiced in Northern Kenya as well as Ethiopia.

The system serves as a mechanism for enforcing moral conduct, building social cohesion, and expressing forms of community culture.

In addition to distribution of power, another distinctive Gada feature that sets it apart from Western democracy is a testing period for elected leaders. Researchers say Gada believes in rigorous practical testing of candidates before they assume office, unlike western democracy, which relies almost exclusively on election.

Even though the Gada system is considered an intangible heritage, Ethiopians say the UNESCO designation will stimulate tourism.

“The Oromo people have sustained their authenticity for so long. We believe the values attached to the Gada system deserve to be safeguarded, nurtured, shared and spread across the world,” said Hirut Woldemariam, culture and tourism minster, Ethiopian Herald reported.

People can learn from the system, said Lemma Megerssa, Oromia state chief. “The adoption would increase our responsibility of safeguarding and promoting the convention, the system would be a center of tourist attraction.”

Oromo artist Mohammed Tawil said, “Our forefathers should be honored for their priceless endeavors in handing over the culture and identity of the system.”

“The Gada System is the true manifestation of the identity of the Oromo people,” Oromo artist Tadele Gemechu told the Ethioian Herald. “We should preserve it. UNESCO’s inscription could overturn the business-as-usual way of handing the values of the heritage. The government and research institutions should look ways how to bolster and promote the assets of (gada) system.”

The Oromo people have suffered a lot, said Atsede Kadire. “The Oromos have original and unique heritages that could take into account the whole form of life. The Gada system is one of the heritages that binds all. Gada system could be one of the bases for modern democracy.”

The UNESCO designation is a milestone and “a huge step to beef up our tourism industry because the world will come to learn about the Gada system from the community,” Kadire told Ethiopian Herald.

Ethiopia’s UNESCO World Heritage Sites and dates of designation include the following:

• Aksum (1980)
• Fasil Ghebbi, Gondar Region (1979)
• Harar Jugol, the Fortified Historic Town (2006
• Konso Cultural Landscape (2011)
• Lower Valley of the Awash (1980)
• Lower Valley of the Omo (1980)
• Rock-Hewn Churches, Lalibela (1978)
• Tiya (1980)
• Simien National Park (1978)

Here’s what UNESCO had to say about the Gada system, according to Waltoinfo.com:

Gada is organized into five classes with one of these functioning as the ruling class consisting of a chairperson, officials and an assembly. Each class progresses through a series of grades before it can function in authority with the leadership changing on a rotational basis every eight years.

Class membership is open to men, whose fathers are already members, while women are consulted for decision-making on protecting women’s rights. The classes are taught by oral historians covering history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the function of the Gada system.

Meetings and ceremonies take place under a sycamore tree (considered the Gada symbol) while major clans have established Gada centers and ceremonial spaces according to territory. Knowledge about the Gada system is transmitted to children in the home and at school.

Various sources indicated that the Gada system has the principles of checks and balances (through periodic succession of every eight years), and division of power (among executive, legislative, and judicial branches), balanced opposition (among five parties), and power sharing between higher and lower administrative organs to prevent power from falling into the hands of despots. Other principles of the system include balanced representation of all clans, lineages, regions and confederacies, accountability of leaders, the settlement of disputes through reconciliation, and the respect for basic rights and liberties.

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Ethiopia: detained journalist missing, denied access to family and medical care

Journalist Temesgen Desalegn is serving a three-year sentence in Ziway prison on charges of defamation, incitement, and false publication

(DefendDefenders) — Ethiopian authorities should immediately disclose the location of journalist Temesgen Desalegn, who was jailed on spurious charges two years ago, and give him access to medical care, said the Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE) and DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project) today.

Journalist Temesgen Desalegn is serving a three-year sentence in Ziway prison on charges of defamation, incitement, and false publication. However, relatives have attempted to visit him for seven consecutive days, and been told by Ziway prison administration officials that his location is unknown. His relatives reported that they had not seen him since 7 November 2016.

On 12 December, a Ziway prison official speaking on the condition of anonymity told a journalist from Deutsche Welle’s Amharic service that journalist Temesgen was at the prison. However, one relative who attempted to visit him today was told by prison officials that he was not there, and that they do not know is whereabouts.

One of Temesgen’s relatives told AHRE that they have been travelling 160km from the capital Addis Ababa to Ziway prison to visit him, and that since the State of Emergency was declared on October 8 their visiting time has been reduced from 40 to 8 minutes.

“It is unacceptable that after two years of detention in Ethiopia’s insalubrious and overcrowded prison system, authorities are unable or unwilling to provide Temesgen’s relatives with information on his whereabouts,” said Yared Hailemariam, Executive Director of AHRE. “We are extremely concerned about Temesgen’s poor health and urge the Ethiopian authorities to immediately disclose his location and give him access to medical care.”

While in detention, sources close to Temesgen reported that he was being denied access to medical attention. He told visitors that he was suffering from stomach problems and back pain and having difficulties walking. Recently, he told relatives he had become deaf in one ear after complaining of pain for six months and being refused treatment.

The owner of Amharic-language weekly newspaper Feteh, which means Justice, was arrested and convicted in October 2014 in a case stemming from a series of opinion pieces published in 2012. Feteh was closed and 30,000 copies of the newspaper were seized in July 2012 when the paper was accused of being “detrimental to the country’s national security”.

The Information Minister at the time of his conviction, Redwan Hussien, told CPJ that the case was related to news articles discussing the peaceful struggle of Ethiopian youth movements and expressing criticism of the government.

“The situation of human rights defenders in Ethiopia has dramatically worsened since the protests broke out one year ago, and has been compounded by overarching restrictions imposed by the State of Emergency directives,” said Hassan Shire, Executive Director of DefendDefenders. “The government’s extreme sensitivity to criticism has led to a ruthless and persistent crackdown on protesters, journalists, activists and ordinary citizens who attempt to express legitimate concerns and grievances.”

Since the State of Emergency was declared on 8 October, severe restrictions have been placed on civil and political rights, and AHRE has documented several cases of arrests of journalists. These include Abebe Wube, general manager of Ye Qelem Qend newspaper, who was arrested in Addis Ababa by security forces on 18 October and Befekadu Hailu, co-founder and member of the Zone 9 bloggers collective, who was arrested on 11 November at his home in Addis Ababa. Both are still currently detained.

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Higher Education and Ethiopia’s State of Emergency

By Ayenachew Woldegiyorgis

(Inside Higher Ed) — For a year now, Ethiopia has confronted protests in Oromia, the largest regional state. The protest started in opposition to the expansion plan of the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia towns and villages. Then the protest engaged the second largest regional state, Amhara, contributing to further political tensions.

Following a stampede that took place during the celebration of thanksgiving by the Oromo people on October 2nd that left dozens of people dead, the protest intensified. The country descended into turmoil it has not seen in over a decade. On October 9th, the government of Ethiopia declared a six-month state of emergency that imposed restrictions on a wide array of rights while granting the prime minister a sweeping power.

The detailed directive for the execution of the state of emergency contained 31 articles. Three of the 31 articles refer to education institutions. Article 5 prohibits “conducting strikes that disturb the learning and teaching process, shutting down educational institutions or causing damage to these institutions”. Article 28 gives unprecedented authority to law enforcement officers, to detain and conduct search and seizure without a court warrant, and monitor and restrict any communication (radio, television, writings, images, photograph, theater and film). Sub-article 7 specifically grants power to legal officers to take measures against students and employees who participate in the disturbance of academic institutions; and to order the institutions themselves to take administrative measures. Finally, Article 30 states that, as for other private and government institutions, law enforcement “may enter schools, universities, [or] other higher education institutions, and take necessary measures to stop disturbances and detain the persons involved”.

These provisions underscore the current gloomy environment of Ethiopian higher education. Ethiopian higher education institutions have been a hotbed of protest and resistance to political power since the 1960s. Therefore, the relationship between universities and government has always been a precarious one.

Since 2014, university students have been very active in the Oromo protest. In many public universities on-campus demonstrations, sit-ins, boycotts of cafeteria services, and so on have been held, to which government forces responded by arresting students involved in the protest and taking administrative measures against them. One month into the state of emergency, the state media announced that 11,607 people had been arrested. Though details are not officially available, anyone who is familiar with Ethiopian politics can guess that a sizable number would be from the universities.

The declaration of the state of emergency has a direct and serious impact on higher education institutions and their operation. Some of the adversary effects may be immediate and last only during the state of emergency while most will be, unfortunately, long lasting.

University administrators, leaders, student representatives, leaders of academic units and even faculty are likely to be intensely engaged in ad-hoc structures and activities focused on security matters. The bureaucratic and academic structure within the universities would be largely dominated by this parallel political structure. Key resources and the attention of top management would be directed toward the political agenda instead of pursuing strategic institutional goals. In addition to the clear misuse of public resources, this could wipe out the momentum that was slowly building up in some universities towards improvement.

One of the measures taken by the government since the declaration of the state of emergency is restricted access to the internet.  While the teaching-learning process in an Ethiopian university does not typically depend on online resources, this could affect partnership projects, scientific collaborations, research fieldwork, etc. In recent years many of the major universities have demonstrated a growing commitment to research, often conducted in partnership with universities abroad. However, this state of emergency may not only disrupt current work, but also cause potential partners to hesitate to engage in future collaborations.

The ever-fragile academic freedom is the most obvious victim of these measures. The command post is endowed with the authority to monitor and restrict any form of communication. It also has the power to respond as it sees fit on any act of “incitement and communication that causes public disturbance and riots”. Though the obvious goal of this restriction is to control the circulation of inflammatory messages, it is not clear what counts as causing public disturbance. In the polarized political environment of Ethiopian public higher education, it is not uncommon for faculty to be censored by their students in the classroom, by the administration or by their own peers. Further, this contributes to the “with-us-or-against-us” sort of mentality and incentivizes some individuals to seize the opportunity to gain power by showing political loyalty, consequently causing damage to collegial relationships and civil dialog. Under these circumstances, academic freedom, close to non-existent even in good times, is now in serious jeopardy.

This scenario could contribute to the already severe problem of brain drain. Given the circumstances, those who have the chance— particularly the younger university teachers— would try harder to leave the country, while those already abroad are less likely to return home. The long term impact of increasing brain drain is immeasurable.

Different countries have issued travel warnings to Ethiopia. Though the government offered assurance that tourists can freely travel to any part of the country, several tour operators in different countries are reported to have canceled trips to Ethiopia. This also affects the in-bound mobility of international students. Although there is no official data in this regard, there has been a discernable growth, in recent years, in the number of students and faculty, particularly from Europe, doing short term visits to Ethiopian universities. The image and conditions generated by the state of emergency are going to affect the attractiveness of the country as a destination for mobile students and scholars for years to come.

Further, the aftermath of the state of emergency will likely impact the academic calendar and scheduling, the assignment of new students to the different universities (in line with their ethnic backgrounds and the regions they would go to), the nature and extent of extracurricular activities, and the space for engagement in critical thinking and constructive dialog.

This situation allows for abuse of power—emotional and physical harassment are likely to prevail. Learning requires a peaceful environment. With the current militarization of the university and the prevailing tension, serious learning is very unlikely to happen. This is a big set back to the pale glimpse of hope that Ethiopian higher education was beginning to see.

Ayenachew A. Woldegiyorgis is a graduate assistant and a doctoral student at the Center for International Higher Education at Boston College.

Related: 

How TPLF/EPRDF Killed Higher Education in Ethiopia?

By Alem Mamo, November 11, 2016

TPLF/EPRDF’s major bragging source over the last number of years has been its ‘achievements’ in the education sector, particularly in university education. The ruling group constantly brandishes its statics about the ‘expansion’ of higher learning in Ethiopia. What is not included in the fraudulent statistics is the obliteration of quality and depth of teaching and learning in these so-called ‘universities.’ As we have seen in most of the TPLF/EPRDF failed and corrupt policies the establishment of these so called ‘universities’ is nothing more than a construction contract to its own business conglomerates and university administration appointment to its loyal cadres.

The higher learning landscape in Ethiopia under TPLF/EPRDF suffers from four acute problems. First, there is a chronic lack of academic freedom and autonomy, which is an essential component for any university to discharge its responsibilities. Second, there is an absence of qualified and competent instructor and mentors. Third is the almost non-existent nature of 21st century tools, such Internet communication, and finally there is the occupation and control of higher learning institutions by uneducated TPLF/EPRDF cadres. These key factors, coupled with the overall social, economic, and political problems, continue to plague the country’s higher learning landscape equating to a level similar to the mass wedding ceremonies orchestrated by a religious group lead by a self-proclaimed messiah, such as Reverend Sun Myung Moon

In fact the assault on higher learning began in 1993 when TPLF/EPRDF fired 42 seasoned academics from Addis Ababa University and replaced them with its loyal cadres. Ever since then the ruling group has continued to destroy higher learning under the guise of ‘expanding’ education. Universities and educational institutions in general are places where students are taught how to think, instead of what to think. Furthermore, universities are places in which curious learners are provided with the tools and the support to conduct research that has practical values in the social, economic, and political life of the society. Instead, the regime has built political re-education camps where political cadres have the final word on the academic, social, and administrative life of an institution.

Indeed merit and qualification has never been TPLF/EPRDF’s s strong suit. Starting from senior cabinet positions to all the way to the lowest level of the administrative body they have appointed their cadres to run the country, and, quite frankly, the regime is not going to treat universities in any different way.

‘Massification’ of higher learning in Ethiopia, preferring quantity of graduates to quality, has reached a critical stage, and it is becoming very problematic to use the term ‘university’ to describe these diploma mills. In TPLF/EPRDF’s Ethiopia every institution is forced to be subordinate to the twisted ideology of the regime. The first and foremost pillar of a university anywhere in the world is autonomy and academic freedom. These two elements are the oxygen of a free learning and teaching environment. Contrary to this the ruling group maintains full control over these institutions depriving them the oxygen of freedom they desperately need to breath and function freely.

Maintaining its well-established destructive role TPLF/EPRDF is moulding higher learning institutions in its own image, and the image is not pretty. Infused with ugly and hate filled propaganda, the image of these so-called universities looks like this: (a) all of these institutions must maintain perceived or real ethnic polarization and tension;

(b) These institution must serve to promote TPLF/EPRDF’s divisive agenda; (c) all ‘university’ senior management, including presidents, must be members of the TPLF or TPLF manufactured political organizations; (d) critical thinking and questioning the prevailing orthodoxy equals terrorism; and (e) university campus informants are part and parcel of the security and surveillance structure of the regime.

The overall decline of the quality of higher learning in Ethiopia is evident in the African and world university rankings. Currently, according to the African Economist University Rankings, only one university out of 35 so-called universities in Ethiopia appears on the ranking chart. The rest are nowhere to be seen on any of university rankings.

We have come to be accustomed with TPLF/EPRDF lies, such us tyranny is democracy, repression is freedom, concentration of wealth in the hands of its inner circle is economic growth and development. The most tragic one is their political re-education camp ‘universities’.

Finally, one cannot understand the sad state of higher education in Ethiopia without understanding TPLF/EPRDF’s distractive political and economic agenda. Ultimately, these daunting challenges are intertwined and interconnected, therefore they only can find a solution when the fundamentals of the governance parameters are addressed. Freedom, justice, and democratic accountability are the only solution. In the meantime, those who are enrolled in these institutions should continue to demand better quality as part of their struggle for a free, just, and democratic society.

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Fascinating discussion (in Afaan Oromo) about Gadaa system by Kenyan Oromos via STN KENYA

EMUU GIRMA Borana **OROMO MUSIC**

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Human Rights Groups: Ethiopia Blocks Social Media, News Sites

By ELIAS MESERET

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (ABC News) — Ethiopia’s government illegally blocked social media and news websites during the months of turmoil that led to the country’s ongoing state of emergency, a new report says.

The report by Amnesty International and the Open Observatory of Network Interference also found “systematic interference” with access to political opposition sites and ones supporting freedom of expression and gay rights.

“This raises serious concerns that overly broad censorship will become institutionalized under the state of emergency,” said Michelle Kagari, an Amnesty International deputy regional director. The report says access to WhatsApp and at least 16 news sites was blocked.

Human rights groups and opposition activists have said hundreds have been killed in waves of anti-government protests that began in November 2015, demanding wider freedoms in one of Africa’s best-performing economies and a close U.S. security ally.

Ethiopia’s government declared a state of emergency in October after dozens were killed in a stampede when police tried to disperse protesters at a religious festival. It set to end in April.

The government dismissed the new report as “one-sided, not credible and baseless.”

“There is no internet blackout in Ethiopia,” deputy spokesman Mohammed Seid told The Associated Press, though internet services have been widely affected since early October. “What we have is a certain obstruction on mobile data services. It will be resolved very soon.”

However, a former government spokesman, Getachew Reda, acknowledged the existence of a blackout and said it will be restored “as soon as it no more threatens the proper implementation of the state of emergency.”

Many in Ethiopia are using virtual private networks, or VPNs, to access social media after mobile data was partially restored 10 days ago.

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Ethiopia: Top US official arrives for broad-based rights and political dialogue

US President, Obama’s ‘100% democratically elected’ regime in Ethiopia is in turmoil for over a year now. The reality shows the regime is totally rejected.

(Africanews) — Tom Malinowski, Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Affairs is in Ethiopia for a four day working visit. Malinowski will be in the country between today December 14 and is expected to depart on December 17.

The Department of State disclosed that ‘‘During his visit, he will meet with government officials as part of a continued dialogue on human rights and governance.

‘‘He will also meet with members of civil society, political party representatives, and local government officials during the visit,’‘ they added.

During his visit, he will meet with government officials as part of a continued dialogue on human rights and governance. He will also meet with members of civil society, political party representatives, and local government officials during the visit.

The United States (US) recently renewed its travel alert for the Horn of Africa nation despite other countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany and Belgium lifting their travel bans. The US extension warned that there was still the potential for unrest in the country.

The US embassy is on record to have stated that some restrictions in the October 8 state of emergency was hindering the effective discharge of their duties. They also cited the restriction on communication as part of the reasons they extended their travel alert.

Ethiopia has since late last year been suffering from anti-government protests that have been met with security clampdown. Rights campaigners have said hundreds of protesters have been killed between when the protests started till the imposition of the state of emergency.

The curfew has substantially brought peace to the country according to the Command post in charge of security. Ther have been reports that security forces are increasingly using repression as a tool of enforcing rules and that they were targeting opposition elements.

The country’s tourism industry revenue took a massive dip in the wake of anti-government protests, the country projected a loss of about 400 million dollars in the 2016 budget year. Income from the sector had fallen by more than $7m (£5.5m) over the last quarter according to the tourism ministry.

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Ogaden News Agency (ONA) – The Rampage and Massacre in Shilabo District.

Ethiopian Army has staged unprecedented rampage in the Jeehdin area where they killed dozens of innocent civilians and confiscated thousands of camels belonging to the victims of this rampage.

This crime against humanity took place in Jeehdin area, near Shilabo district, on 10th Dec, 2016. and still continuous as we speak. Genocide and collective punishment is a part of Ethiopian policy to oppress Ogaden people.

There is a severe drought in Ogaden and as the famine and lack of rain intensify these people followed the areas of rain-groove and hearing meager rainfall, in Jeehdin Area where they can get pasture for their livestock.

Marauding Ethiopian troops raided from all corners and indiscriminately opened fire on unarmed civilians who were tending their camels and cattle, shooting everybody in sight. Many people are reported killed on the spot and many are injured. The Ethiopian army has abducted more than three elders whose whereabouts are still unknown.

The army confiscated 15 thousands of livestock’s, including camels, cows, and sheep. The report added that 50 camels were killed by the indiscriminate shooting of this rampage. During this barbaric mission, the Ethiopian soldier’s gang-raped and tortured the innocent civilians.

The Sources added that many people in that area flee and are not known their whereabout ,live or dead.

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Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) and  Some Sensitive Oromo Issues – Language and Flag

The Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) Leaders call press conference at National Press Club – October 30, 2016

by Zewdie G. Muleta

Stating that Ethiopia at this time is at a crossroad may sound like a cliché but it is literally true. I heartily believe that this time is a watershed moment for this generation of Ethiopians. TPLF’s rule is weakening albeit it is still strong enough to kill; a new generation of Ethiopians hungry for freedom and true people power is rising; many veteran politicians from the Oromo freedom struggle and from the “Ethiopian Unity” camp are taking a leap of faith and charting a new and open-minded path; many prominent Oromo Ethiopians who grew up learning the good, the bad, and the ugly of our country’s history who also, may I say, still speak Amharic are alive although becoming fewer and fewer. Now is the time, to use the timeless words of Martin Luther King, to think twice regarding our country’s future.

This is the time to start thinking out of our old and failed boxes on all sides of the political paradigm. As many writers and commentators have said on different forums, the formation of the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) is an encouraging beginning to save Ethiopia from being disintegrated as a result of the blind measures of TPLF’s leaders. ENM’s success as an umbrella organization that may facilitate conditions for a peaceful transitional system after the unquestionable downfall of TPLF depends on the active role all of the founders as well as future members of the Movement will play.

From what we have seen so far, it looks very clear that the mutual understanding and strong solidarity between the two larger peoples of our country (Oromos and Amharas) in the life and death struggle against TPLF gangs clearly showed the responsibilities these two pillars of our country have to shoulder not only to get rid of the TPLF rule but also to establish a true federal democratic system in post-TPLF Ethiopia. However, some issues that may look minor to non-Oromos but very basic issues for the Oromo camp may negatively affect the success of the Movement as well as the solidarity and brotherhood we have practically seen between Oromos and Amharas. These issues should be given proper attention by all parties that really want to see strong and united multi-national Federal Democratic Ethiopia.

These issues are: (1) the official use of Afaan Ormoo and (2) the display of the Oromo freedom flag at all Ethiopian events where the Oromo people and Oromo political organizations are taking part. It should be understood that the Oromo freedom flag is no longer the logo of a single Oromo political Organization. It became a symbol of the beliefs, aspirations, interests and identifications of Oromos of all walks of life – irrespective of affiliations to any political groups. That is why the use of the Oromo freedom flag as well as Afaan Oromoo alongside the tricolor Ethiopian national flag and the Amharic language have been successfully practiced in the public demonstrations held by all Ethiopians against the TPLF rule in different major cities of USA and Europe. These approaches were very smart and encouraging for bringing the Oromo people towards closely working with their Ethiopian brothers and sisters. Nothing negative has happened as a result of either the use of Afaan Oromoo or the display of the Oromo freedom flag at the anti-TPLF demonstrations held in Minnesota, Washington State (Seattle), Germany, Sweden, etc. These practices of solidarity rather sent shocking messages and signals to TPLF as they have practically demonstrated the true unity of the Ethiopian peoples.

It has been repeatedly explained that what the founders of ENM would like to achieve is to facilitate a transitional system that will lead to the establishment of a united, sovereign, developed, and very strong Federal Democratic Ethiopia in which all its peoples see themselves as equal citizens. It is based on the strong belief of establishing a new democratic country that the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF) managed to arrive at the stage of signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Patriotic Ginbot-7 for Unity and Democracy (PG-7) and also arrived at the historical stage of playing very significant role in the processes of the formation of the Ethiopian National Movement. However, the ODF agenda for the future united multi-national Federal Democratic Ethiopia doesn’t look clear to many people, especially to the people at the side of the “Ethiopian Unity” camp. I am saying this based on the different comments that I have noticed on some Ethiopian websites, different media outlets including ESAT and also based on some emotional comments posted in social media regarding the official use of Afaan Oromoo and the display of the Oromo freedom flag at public meetings.

At this historical time when the Ethiopian National Movement (ENM) is getting ready to work towards the achievement of its major goals, I wanted to write this piece to very sincerely and honestly underline that Ethiopians of all walks of life and all ethnic backgrounds have to think twice before taking unnecessary actions that may negatively affect the unity of the country. It will be a historical mistake if we may not give attention to the critical importance of the Oromo language as a uniting factor and the Oromo people’s meaningful symbol of struggle for freedom, justice, equality and democracy in all the events that are going to be organized to free Ethiopia from TPLF brutal rulers.

When I say we have to draw people’s attention to the critical importance of Afaan Oromoo and the Oromo Freedom Flag, I am not only trying to appeal to the better angles of our brothers and sisters in the “Ethiopian Unity“ camp but also warning the danger that would follow from failing to seize this opportune moment.

I do hope that most of the readers of this piece know that Afaan Oromoo is a language spoken by more than half the total population of Ethiopia. So, the Oromo language also belongs to very large number of people that are not Oromos by blood. The Oromo freedom flag also represents the freedom struggle that has consumed millions of precious Oromo lives as it continues to do to date. The Oromo freedom flag contains a respected symbol of the Oromo culture and value – the Odaa Tree. For the Oromo people, therefore, any action against the official use of their language and the display of the freedom flag are not only unacceptable, but also potentially damaging factors that may negatively affect the very existence of our country as a united Ethiopia.

As a prominent Ethiopian intellectual who gave a brief speech at the public meeting that was held to announce the formation of ENM has clearly said, Ethiopians shouldn’t be scared of the display of an Oromo flag that contains Oda Tree on any Ethiopian events. It shouldn’t be seen as something negative; instead it should be embraced. That same prominent Ethiopian intellectual also said that the image of a large tree at the center of the Oromo freedom flag displays a symbol that our peoples back in Ethiopia have been using as a place of gathering to discuss their social, political, economic, cultural, etc., issues. He has specifically mentioned a huge tree that he was familiar with during his young age in the historical city of Gonder. I personally believe that the above mentioned genuine approach of a well-known Ethiopian intellectual is the reasonable approach that all Ethiopians should have for our freedom flag as well as for the use of our language – Afaan Oromo.

Language in the first place must be seen as a resource and a wealth of any nation, not as a liability. I am a proud Oromo to my bone. But I bless my parents and my teachers who taught me Amharic language. I am proud to speak Amharic as good as I speak my mother tongue – Afaan Oromoo. If we really want to see strong and united Ethiopia, we have to create a new generation of Ethiopians that will view language not as a line of division or a boundary but as a common heritage. So, let’s not limit ourselves to Amharic and Afaan Oromoo and imagine a future generation of Ethiopians that can speak Amharic, Afaan Oromoo, Tigrigna, Guragigna and hopefully other Ethiopian languages fluently and interchangeably. At that time the lines that currently divide us will be blurred and who knows, in time, these lines may disappear although that is not a necessary condition to have a strong and united Ethiopia.

I am old enough to remember the Ethiopia of the Derg times, at least the later years of the Derg, very well. People sang, fought and died for a red flag, and three figurines of Marx, Engels and Lenin. These symbols had nothing to do with our country’s history, culture or language. But we were emotional enough to shed our blood to fight for these symbols. But, the Odaa Tree that we see on the Oromo freedom flag is part of our heritage and our culture. I mean not only of the Oromo but also the other nations and nationalities of Ethiopia. By the way, many Oromo Ethiopians are not also oblivious of the fact that Oromo patriots died defending the tricolored Ethiopian flag and fighting colonizers. Moreover, many Oromo Ethiopians also know that the green, yellow and red color of the Ethiopian flag has also through time came to be a Pan-African color. However, the successive Ethiopian regimes have used this very flag to symbolize their dynasty and subjugation of other Ethiopians like the Oromos. Let me be a bit provocative here. To take the current regime as an example, TPLF has added a patch of color and a star with rays at the center of the Ethiopian flag. Which one is closer and meaningful to our tradition and culture: the Odaa Tree or a blue star that does not conjure any true meaning in the minds of Ethiopians?

Let me take this opportunity to honestly say something that most politicians may not want to publicly say, may be for the sake of political corretness. As we are today, if one of the readers of this piece of writing may get a chance to travel to any town in Oromia (for example to my hometown Ambo, a now historical town of Oromia where the popular Oromo revolution has started – Ginchi, Gedo, Nekemte, Gimbi, Bushoftu, Adama, Chiro, Badessa, Asella, Robe, Jimma, Gore, Mettu, etc.) and ask any young Oromo (an Oromo between the ages of 20 & 30), about the Ethiopian flag and the Amharic language he/she will get a very shocking answer. Whether we may believe it or not, no young Oromo generation gives priority to the Ethiopian flag and the Amharic language as compared to the Oromo freedom flag and Afaan Oromoo. That is why we have never seen a single Ethiopian flag in any of the demonstrations that took place in different towns of Oromia. In most cases the slogans chanted were also in Afaan Oromoo. This is not due to hatred either of the flag or of the Amharic language as some people in the “Unity Camp” may try to conclude.

The main reason, I do believe, is Oromos couldn’t see themselves in the realities that this flag as well as the Amharic language represent, especially under the TPLF blind rule of the last twenty-five years. For that matter, almost all young Oromos in the above stated age range cannot speak, read Amharic texts and write in Amharic. I have learned by talking to many young Oromo College/University graduates of very recent time that young Oromo students enrolled at different colleges/universities that the TPLF government has opened in different parts of the country cannot communicate with other Ethiopian students in Amharic. This is due to people’s use of their own languages as medium of instruction at schools and as official language in public offices after the downfall of the Derg regime. This was not a gift of TPLF to the Ethiopian people. It was the result of the sacrifices of very large number of Ethiopian democrats/revolutionaries that also include the Oromo nationalists that were fighting the Derg regime under the leadership of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

I have very recently heard a comment made by a lady who was trying to criticize what happened at a meeting that was held in Washington, DC Metropolitan area to announce the formation of the Ethiopian National Movement. She said that “the Oromo language was spoken first at the meeting whereas the national language of Ethiopia is Amharic and the OLF flag was displayed next to the Ethiopian national flag – protocol wise it was wrong”. Having the above mentioned reality about the Oromo youth’s inability of understanding Amharic and how they see the issue of the tricolor Ethiopian flag in mind, I would like to ask the following questions:

whom do Ethiopians in the so called “Unity Camp” are trying to address or refer to when they are saying Amharic is first and Afaan Oromoo should come after what they consider a “National Language”? How did these people take for granted that the Ethiopian national flag in which successive Ethiopian regimes have placed their own preferred symbols represents the interests, aspirations and beliefs of the Oromo people as compared to the Oromo freedom struggle flag?

True, Amharic was and still is the official language of the successive Ethiopian regimes, including the current TPLF led minority regime. The fact of the matter is the time when Amharic alone was taken as a unifying language, especially for the new generation of Oromos, has passed twenty-five years ago. One may easily prove this by talking to any young Oromo that recently came to Europe or USA from the Oromia parts of Ethiopia. I personally have tried it repeatedly and couldn’t get that many young Oromos that came from Oromia and speak/understand Amharic. Whether we accept it or not, for the large majority of the Oromo people in general and for the Oromo youth in particular, Afaan Oromoo is their national language. So, if we may ask the question of protocol as to which language should be spoken first at any public events where Oromos may take part, Oromos will definitely say Afaan Oromoo should be spoken first. The same is true about the national flag that our forefathers have sacrificed for. It is undeniable fact that the new Oromo generation has lived and is still living in a country where all regions of the country have their own flags. Don’t forget, the tricolor flag that we in the old generation take as the symbol of freedom, unity, development, hope, sacrifice, etc., was described as a “piece of rag” by the late leader of TPLF. Whether the purpose was to make it unique or to relate it to TPLF’s oppressive rule, Melese’s government, just like its predecessors, did put its own unique symbol in the center of the tricolor Ethiopian national flag. Due to the oppressive and inhuman nature of the TPLF led regime, the Oromo people relate the current Ethiopian flag with the sufferings they have been through for the last twenty-five years. My point, therefore, is it will not be easy to expect Oromos to unanimously line only under the tricolor flag. Thus, if we may want to see a strong and united Federal Democratic Ethiopia, we should be able to accommodate the beliefs and interests of all the peoples of the country and work towards the formation of a common country in which all its peoples may see themselves as equal partners. Arriving at that destination will not be possible by forcing the large majority of the population of our country; the Oromos, not to use their language and not to display their freedom flag at different public events.

It is obvious that, for the last twenty-five years, in most instances politically active Oromos were known for distancing themselves from any activities related to Ethiopia. Thanks to the farsighted approaches of prominent Oromo leaders, that frustrating and worrisome situation is in the process of being changed. All concerned Ethiopians from all ethnic, social, cultural and political backgrounds should be able to strengthen this promising beginning by trying to understand and also accommodate the feeling of their Oromo

brothers and sisters. I would like to underline that what may make the Oromo people active part of the efforts to establish a new Federal Democratic Ethiopia will be the unreserved respect and recognition of their identity, language, culture, social values and self-governance without any kind of unnecessary interferences. In this process, the Oromo camp should be able to publicly see the official use of their language and be able to display the very popular symbol of their life and death struggle for freedom. That simple measure is among the factors that may make Oromos to play their fair share in the struggle for the formation of a new democratic country that its entire peoples will commonly call “our Ethiopia”. Any measure that might be contrary to this will definitely lead to the destruction of Ethiopia that most of us would not like to see.

In my opinion, the Oromo language and freedom flag issues are very important issues that did not get the proper understanding they deserve from the so called “Ethiopian Unity” camp. As a proud Oromo-Ethiopian my suggestion to fellow Ethiopians, therefore, is to follow what was done in Washington, DC Metropolitan Area on October 30, 2016 to announce the formation of ENM at all future public events where Oromos may take part. Irrespective of all kinds of emotional comments against what was done at the public meeting of October 30, 2016, the organizers had valid reasons when they were insisting the inclusion of Afaan Oromoo as one of the medium of communication of the meeting and also when they decided to put Alaabaa Oromoo on the stage next to the Ethiopian flag. That approach had significant political value/advantage for both sides. For the simple reason that Afaan Oromoo was used as part of the medium of communication and Alaabaa Oromoo was on the stage, people in the Oromo side considered the event as their own event in which they have clearly seen themselves. On the other hand, the rational elements of the Ethiopian Unity camp also concluded that their Oromo brothers and sisters are part of the Ethiopian activities and there will not be any worry about future separation of Oromia from Ethiopia.

This approach will negatively affect only the TPLF brutal rulers. Because, they do not like this action as it leads to the unshakable unity of the Oromo people with other Ethiopians in general and with the Amhara people in particular. On the contrary, when we are denying the use of Afaan Oromoo and the display of their freedom flag, we are knowingly or unknowingly, helping TPLF’s divide and rule policy.

Still the proponents of “Ethiopian Unity” are questioning why Afaan Oromoo was used and why the Alaabaa Oromoo was placed next to the “Ethiopian Flag”. For the Oromo, myself included, Alaabaa Oromoo and Afaan Oromoo are among the reflectors of Oromo identity that the Oromo people would like to see at official status in tomorrow’s Federal Democratic Ethiopia. Today’s measures are to facilitate conditions for tomorrow’s results. Any action against this approach will directly mean pushing aside the very rational, reasonable and farsighted Oromos that would like to call themselves Oromo-Ethiopians. I don’t think none of us would like to see the consequence of this action.

Any approach that is against what I have tried to explain above, will lead to the scenario that caused Eritrea to become an independent country and resulted in making Ethiopia a landlocked country of more than hundred million people. If I am not mistaken, it was the blind move and lack of patience of the Ethiopian politicians of that time that pushed Eritrean nationalists to start a freedom struggle after the federation system was scrapped. According to what have been written in some historical documents, the UN had tried to mediate between the Haile-Selassie regime and the Eritrean forces in order to make Eritrea remain part of Ethiopia under genuine arrangement of a federal system. These documents show that the lowlanders that were known to be followers of Islamic religion preferred to join the Sudan and the highlanders that were followers of Orthodox Christianity preferred the federal arrangement with Ethiopia.

According to historical evidences, the highlanders (Christian Eritreans) convinced the lowlanders to be united with Ethiopia through federal arrangement. The lowlanders accepted the idea of federation provided that their language will be Arabic and Tigrigna and also they will be allowed to display their own flag as Eritreans. The then Ethiopian politicians that surrounded Haile-Selassie’s throne became so emotional and said that no language other than Amharic and no flag other than the tricolor (green, yellow and red) Ethiopian flag. So, the Haile-Selassie regime annexed Eritrea as the 14th region (Teqlay Gizat) of Ethiopia without the will and full agreement of the large majority of Eritreans. In fact, there were Eritreans that were members of the then “Hager Fikir Mahiber”. They were somehow in agreement with Haile-Selassie’s regime. As we learned from history, those in the Hager Fikir Mahiber were few in number and couldn’t dominate the side that supported Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia. The important point I would like to underline here is that the impatient Ethiopian nationalists refused the requests of Eritreans and pushed them towards the struggle for independence. As all of us have witnessed, in 1991 Eritrea declared its independence and Ethiopia became a landlocked country thanks to the blind love of Ethiopians for the empty slogan – ANDIT ETHIOPIA, ANID HIZIB, ANID KUWANKUWA, ANID SANDAK ALAMA, etc. I hope our generation of Ethiopians will not repeat that historical mistake in the technology dominated 21st century and push the Oromo camp towards the formation of “Independent Republic of Oromia”.

Two important points should be clear regarding the display of the Ormo freedom flag alongside with the Ethiopian tricolor national flag: (1) In tomorrow’s Federal Democratic Ethiopia, the two flags either hang together or they will be forced to hang separately. It is no more possible to erase the Oromo flag from the hearts of a generation of Oromos that have died and suffered in its defense. (2) We have the choice of accepting these two flags are representing struggles at two levels – on the one hand, the tricolor Ethiopian national flag represents the life and death struggle to defend Ethiopia in which Oromos have also played significant role. On the other hand, the Oromo flag represents the Oromo resistance against internal injustice. If we fail to deploy both flags in this complementary fashion they will definitely end up standing on their own.

The unbelievable sacrifices of the Oromo people for the last more than one year clearly showed that nothing beyond freedom from TPLF’s rule will stop the life and death struggle that still continued by courageous and determined Oromos in general and the Oromo youth in particular. The fundamental solutions we should find for the diversified problems of our country, therefore, should be the kind of solutions that have very carefully taken the Oromo questions into proper consideration. Recognizing the Oromo language and Oromo’s symbol of freedom struggle is among the very minimum measures that rationally thinking leaders of the Ethiopian political organizations as well as Ethiopian individuals should agree upon. Whether we like it or not, fundamental solutions for the multi-faceted problems of Ethiopia are unthinkable without active participation and strong leadership of the Oromo people.

The Oromo and Amhara people’s struggle for freedom have forced the minority regime in power to arrive at the final stage of depending on a military rule in the name of the state of emergency. The peoples’ struggle is still going on in different forms and shapes. The freedom struggle will not stop until it gets rid of TPLF rule. That day will definitely come how long it may take. Until the arrival of that day, let us not squander the ray of hope that is radiating in the horizons of Ethiopia today. The new language of solidarity between the Oromo and Amhara youth and the new engagement between the Oromo and pro-unity politicians is very promising and unprecedented compared to what prevailed over the last 25 years.

For the continuation of Ethiopian Unity the blind move of all or nothing strategy does not help anyone. My call is – let us be meek enough to listen to and understand the heart-beat of Oromos vis-à-vis their language and symbols of their struggle for freedom: let’s be smart, open-minded and creative enough to preserve the unity of our country. The time to challenge our long-held beliefs and question our own views on all sides is now, not tomorrow.

For comments the writer can be reached at qooraaj@yahoo.com

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In less than two weeks after UNESCO inscribed the Oromo Gadaa, the regime in Ethiopia arrested Dr.  Teferi Nugussie, a key scholar who is behind the required works for the registration. This arrest is tantamount to a silent declaration of war to wipe out the Oromo intellectuals and known figures. The arrest of Dr. Nugussie is also a challenge to the UNESCO administration and dignity. Two weeks ago, another Oromo prominent figure, Dr. Merera Gudidna,  was arrested for fulfilling the invitation of European Parliament.  It has to be remembered also that, Mr. Bekele Gerba, still languishing in the TPLF prison, was arrested for meeting with Amnesty International workers.

It is time for the world to wake up and work against the looming human genocide and tragedy in that country.  How many more should die or disappear to call it genocide?

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EU parliament writes to Ethiopian president over detained Oromo leader

(Africanews) — The EU parliament has officially written to the Ethiopian government seeking clarification on the arrest of an opposition leader, Dr. Merera Gudina.

The EP President, Martin Schulz, in a letter to President Mulatu Teshome said they were disturbed about the arrest of the Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) leader. The EU parliament also reiterated its call for the charges against Gudina to be made known.

‘‘It appears that Dr Gudina was arrested by Ethiopian authorities upon his return from a short stay in Brussels in early November, during which he also met with Members of the EU Parliament,’‘ the letter read.

I would like to remind you, that the EU Parliament is a House of democracy, where different voices can be heard, from foreign governments as well as representatives of opposition groups.

The letter stated that the Ethiopian ambassador in Brussels had said the Gudina’s detention was connected with contacts he had with individuals Addis Ababa deemed as ‘terrorists.’ It added that it was ‘rather unfortunate that his arrest is linked to meetings he had with the EU parliament.

‘‘I would like to remind you, that the EU Parliament is a House of democracy, where different voices can be heard, from foreign governments as well as representatives of opposition groups,’‘ the letter added.

Late last month, Ethiopian security forces arrested the academician who is the chairman of the OFC, shortly after his arrival in the capital Addis Ababa.

Prof. Merera was returning from Brussels where – together with other Ethiopian activists and the Olympian athlete Feyisa Lellisa – he had had a meeting with Members of the EU Parliament on 9 November 2016.

Arrested for flouting curfew rules

Letter of #EP President @MartinSchulz to #Ethiopia asking abt charges against Dr.Merera Gudina #FreeMerera pic.twitter.com/kLVzwKgalO

— (((Ana Gomes, MEP))) (@AnaGomesMEP) December 15, 2016

The state-affiliated FANA broadcasting corporate however quoted authorities as saying that Gudina was arrested because he had flouted the State Of Emergency currently being enforced nationwide.

According to FANA, the Secretariat of the Command Post said Gudina violated an article of the law which prohibited any communication with banned terrorist organizations and anti-peace groups. “He is under investigation for violating this article,” the Command Post said.

The EU Parliament adopted an urgency resolution on the violent crackdown on protesters in January 2016, which requested that the Ethiopian authorities stop using anti-terrorism legislation to repress political opponents, dissidents, human rights defenders, other civil society actors and independent journalists.

Since January 2016 the human rights situation in Ethiopia has not improved at all. Human Rights Watch reports that security forces have killed more than 500 people during protests over the course of 2016.

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